Ward Schumaker, a veteran painter and illustrator, anticipates the 2024 election will be a war of words. So, as the campaign kicks into gear, he turned scores of Donald Trump’s most quotable bon mots into typographic broadsides—modern-day samplers—that measure 37″ x 25″, painted with acrylic + paste (along with some collage elements).

He’s been met with various responses, not all of them positive. For example, Schumaker told me that when he gave a talk about his Trump work at a museum, he was “harassed verbally” by a member of the board of directors: “These are all lies,” the board member barked. “Trump never said half these things!” And when showing them at Jack Fischer Gallery, a stranger threatened to pound him. These incidents happened in San Francisco, theoretically a safe place for such artworks. “Yet in Nashville, a pro–Trump stronghold, I was greeted with kindness, applause and appreciation.”

Schumaker is expressing himself in the media he knows best. I asked him what he hopes readers take away from it all.

I have a reasonable idea what triggered these broadsides, but can you put it in your own words?
I’d never been very political, but about seven years ago I asked my grandson what he’d been studying in school that day. “How not to be a bully,” he answered. Then added: “You know, like Donald Trump.” At the time I was making large, one-of-a-kind, hand-painted books, many using hand-cut stenciled words, and I decided to do one using Trump’s words. It was not the kind of subject I’d regularly use, and when I finished I didn’t know what to do with it. One night I woke thinking I should show it to my gallerist (at the time, Jack Fischer). I sent him jpgs, insisting he promise to show no one.

He promised. But the next day a woman came into the gallery and asked to see my work—she might buy a painting. Jack apologized, and said he’d only recently moved, and all my work was still at his old address. She sighed and started to leave. Jack stopped her: “But would you like to see an interesting project Ward’s been working on?”

Then he broke his promise. After seeing three of the spreads, the woman said, “Stop. Can I get my husband in here? He’s out in the hall.” The husband came in, looked at the work, then said, “I’m with Chronicle Books; do you think Ward would let us publish a facsimile of this?” In record time, Chronicle produced it as a trade book: Hate Is What We Need. The title is from one of Trump’s quotes.

And that might have been the end of it. But about the time I finished that first book, white supremacists marched through Charlottesville shouting “Jews will not replace us,” and Trump stated that there were “good people on both sides.” I felt compelled to make another book, this time including not only Trump’s incendiary words, but the words of others, both in support of Trump and those opposed. (That book is now in the collection of the Achenbach Foundation of Graphic Arts.)

However, my books are seen by few people, so I began making large broadsides in hopes of exhibiting them. I thought I might create 10, maybe even 15. I ended up creating 350. I am extremely grateful that the Letterform Archive has given each and every one of them a home in its collection. See their book Strikethrough. While I thought I’d quit a long time ago, I recently started doing more, which I mount on Instagram and Facebook.

Was it your intention to, shall we say, seduce the viewer into reading these?
My intentions vary, but first is always simply making certain others have seen and digested the latest vile words from Trump and/or his minions. If I have time, I might try to be clever, but most often it has been: What can I do quickly and still get my regular work done? And of course there is the fact that I’m a painter, not really a designer at all, so I have often embarrassed myself trying to be clever. I know some great designers and ask their forbearance.

You’ve succeeded at, in my view, what many “political artists” try and often fail to do, which is make intriguing art with a message that stands on its own. Was this your intent?
Thank you. I recognize that I don’t have the particular talent of esteemed illustrators (i.e. Edel Rodriguez) but I do value my paintings—and they’ve included words since I started painting, as a kid, back in the ’60s. So it has been a matter of simply doing what I do best: words-as-paintings.

How long did it take to make these broadsheets?
I started working on these in 2017 and I’m still making them. Each one is created using hand-cut stencils, so the longer the quotation, the longer it takes. The wordiest have taken three days to accomplish, others have been completed in one day. Often I start cutting words with no plan at all. I think of them as paintings, and my paintings have always followed that Rauschenberg rule: Do something, then do something else to it. It may not be the wisest way to work, but it’s what I know.

Is your work a kind of anti-DIY/DIY aesthetic?
As a kid I often raised my grade by doing what was termed as extra credit: making a book cover for biology class, for example, by pasting cut-paper words that said “Clothes don’t make the man, cells do.” As a 12 year old I was very proud of that. Of course I should have been embarrassed. Later, at the age of 35 I began illustrating, and my best work was definitely DIY because I didn’t know what I was doing.

Why haven’t I seen your Trump work on social media?
Early on I tried mounting the Trump Papers on Twitter. I was almost immediately thrown off. I wrote [to Twitter], asking for an explanation. Over and over I wrote. I got no response. Years later, a couple months after Biden was elected, I got a note from Twitter saying I could once again post on their site. Of course, I quit.

What do you feel is the most powerful piece among these?
Trump: “Women: You have to treat them like shit.”

Liz Cheney: “There will come a day when Donald Trump is gone, but your dishonor will remain.”

And the most frightening—Trump: “This could very well be the last election this country ever has.”

How will you put these to use in the coming battle?
Truthfully, I don’t know.

What’s next for you in terms of where you’re feelings will drive your work?
Just before I hit 80, I started working in clay, and that’s been a joy. But Trump is running again and very possibly will win, so what can a person do?

Sister Mary, led by founder Leigh Chandler, unveils a new limited-edition printed publication designed exclusively for The Signal, a global current affairs brand based in Washington, D.C. “The Long Game” highlights the global struggle between authoritarian states and democratic life.

Created in partnership with the Human Rights Foundation, in support of the Oslo Freedom Forum, the magazine features interviews with the Bosnian investigative journalist Miranda Patrucić, the American social scientist Francis Fukuyama, and others—on questions from how autocrats are adapting artificial intelligence to how corruption inside dictatorships is spreading beyond them to what the issues of democracy and human rights might end up meaning for your investment strategy.

The Signal’s team, including John Jamesen Gould and Hywel Mills, partnered with Chandler to infuse the inaugural issue with the alternative spirit of underground publishing. Samizdat, a term derived from Russian for “self-publishing,” refers to literature clandestinely written, copied, and circulated during the Soviet era, often critical of the government.

The Signal offers a different approach to current affairs. Its focus is on exploring urgent questions in dialogue with knowledgeable companions around the world—an approach meant to support readers and help them develop their interpretations of global events.

This debut issue not only pays homage to samizdat but reimagines it. The editorial design captures the raw essence of underground publishing while presenting it in a contemporary context.

The layout demands attention, using layering, cropping, aged textures, and bold typography to create a sense of urgency.

Unbleached newsprint was chosen for the paper stock, reminiscent of samizdat’s historical context. The color palette of light beige, black, red, and gold reflects the publication’s rebellious yet premium aesthetic.

The typography is bold and commanding, with headlines in Manuka and complementary text in Untitled, echoing the theme of defiance and urgency.

The publication’s imagery invites readers to explore deeper narratives, aligning with The Signal’s mission to engage with complexity in today’s rapidly changing world.

To be able to assemble our work in a print publication like this isn’t just beautiful; it’s transformative. It’s allowed us to bring a historical connection with the samizdat publications of the Soviet era to life in the language of design—and that’s allowed us to create a reading experience with a completely different emotional resonance and, ultimately I think, a deeper meaning.”

John Jamesen Gould – Editor, The Signal

About The Signal
Current affairs. Strange world. As our world becomes more intricately connected, changes faster, and seems only to get more disorienting, we’re all navigating it—or trying to—in a digital media environment dominated by algorithmic manipulation, polarizing engagement, and partisan spin. It can be hard to focus on what matters—and harder to think. The Signal is for people who want something different. The nonpartisan U.S.-based current affairs organization has diverse global contributors and is committed to liberal democracy.

About Human Rights Foundation
The Human Rights Foundation (HRF) is a nonpartisan, nonprofit organization that promotes and protects human rights globally, with a focus on closed societies. HRF aims to raise awareness about the nature and vulnerability of freedom worldwide while strengthening the work of grassroots activists in countries ruled by authoritarian regimes. Grounding its work in a deep commitment to individual liberty, HRF achieves its impact through unique policy research and legal advocacy, global events and educational initiatives, innovative and creative campaigns, and direct support to activists on the frontlines of democracy.

The Oslo Freedom Forum (OFF) is a global conference series hosted and produced by HRF. Established in 2009, OFF brings together the world’s most prominent human rights advocates, journalists, artists, technologists, entrepreneurs, and world leaders to share their stories and brainstorm ways to expand freedom globally.

Anne Bobroff-Hajal is an American artist with a Ph.D. in Russian history. She paints detailed yet whimsical representations about power, greed, grief and fury through the lens of a woeful Russian heritage. Her mixed media polyptychs about Russia are influenced by icons, graphic novels, animation storyboards and political cartoons. A monumental 14-foot-wide multi-panel artwork Darling Godsonny: Ivan the Terrible Advises the Infant Stalin is currently on display at the Wende Museum in Culver City, CA; it contains over a thousand portraits of Russians, ranging from serfs to princes and Soviet nomenclatura (Communist party elites) to gulag inmates, each painted using tiny brushes and a magnifying glass. Their stories are narrated in song by satirical characters.

Her tour de force, meanwhile, Playground of the Autocrats, covers 500 years of Russian autocracy, spanning ideological and dynastic changes. It is the focal point for the conversation that follows below. And the timing couldn’t be better (or, at the same time, more depressing), what with the reelection of Vladimir Putin over the weekend.

What is your relationship to Russia and the Soviet Union?
My Russian immigrant grandfather Boris (Bornett) Bobroff—who died before I was born—was an ingenious early 20th-century inventor. And he made a mysterious voyage from the U.S. back to then-Bolshevik Russia in 1919–1920. No one in my family knew exactly what he did there. Then I was in college and Ph.D. grad school during the anti-Vietnam war and other leftist movements. We were all interested in revolutionary movements, including Russian ones trying to transform repressive Tsarist autocracy into a truly just society (my friends and I were emphatically never pro-USSR or pro-Soviet Communism). My dissertation became the book Working Women in Russia Under the Hunger Tsars (recommended on the Library of Congress website among best to read during the 100th anniversary of the 1917 Revolution).

My year of research in the USSR was one of the most extraordinary times of my life. I directly experienced working within the crazy Soviet bureaucracy; being bugged, followed, minded; the warmth of many Soviet people; the exciting research I was able to do there.

How has your conflict with Russian autocracy influenced your work?
It’s at the heart of almost everything I did in grad school, and much of what I’ve done since. I’m deeply interested in seeking the underlying causes for why an anti-Tsarist-autocracy movement of thousands of deeply dedicated people ended with most of them dead, and Stalinist autocracy in power.

Playground of the Autocrats is a cinemascope presentation of Russia’s dystopia. How did this come about?
I’m a historian whose native language is art. I love stories told in many pictures and fewer words. I’m influenced by art animation of the type I was seeing in NYC in the 1990s (often at SVA); by satirical late 19th/early 20th-century European/Russian/American political cartoons, by graphic novels and even illustrated children’s books.

I originally conceived Playground of the Autocrats as a series of satirical short animated films about Russian history. I wrote original lyrics to a Russian folk tune to be sung by autocratic flying godparents (Ivan the Terrible, Peter the Great and Catherine the Great), sung by each as a blessing to the swaddled, mustached infant Stalin. All this later became the basis for my still painting/collages.

Did you have the germ of the idea before, during or after your Ph.D. studies?
I had grown up painting and drawing, always planning to be an artist—before I suddenly decided to go to history grad school. I felt torn for most of my time in grad school: It seemed I had to choose between the planet of image-makers and the planet of historians, jettisoning half my self into the void between them.

After completing my Ph.D., I left academia and for decades searched (while raising my children) for a way of uniting the two parts of myself. I took many, many wrong turns into playwriting, screenwriting and animation, which ended in a couple of bouts of clinical depression. Finally, I decided to create Playground of the Autocrats in a medium as easy to me as breathing: painting, which I had rejected for years as inadequate.

I passionately believe that art provides tools that can bring radically new perspectives to history. Filling an empty canvas necessitates thinking spatially; I’m very interested in “spatial history,” relating human actions to specific geographies. Art’s capacity to portray emotions means that, for example, I can take a dull academic diagram of social structure and paint it full of people, emotions, action, color. Also in art, you can shift on a vast scale, from an individual person to a map of the world—and everything in between, all within a glance.

Your technique is just as interesting—indeed, extraordinary—as your content. What is the process of creating satire on such a grand graphic scale?
I began Playground of the Autocrats with a series of smaller triptychs which developed my process and ideas.

It took me four years to complete the 14’ x 6’ Darling Godsonny Stalin (DGS), including a lot of both historical and visual research.

In order to go through all the work of producing this art, I have to find a way to laugh while dealing seriously with mass repressions, terror, and murders by autocrats of their own people. That’s where the satire comes in. I can’t really get down to work until I figure out a way to have fun with terrifying subjects, while still fully addressing the terror and why it happens repeatedly.

Viewers need respite within this art as much as I do. So in my painting, they can look at something joyous before returning to horror.

My original goal for DGS was to show the parallels between how Ivan the Terrible and Stalin consolidated power through almost identical terrors: Stalin’s purges and Ivan’s 16th-century Oprichnina. I wanted to portray the double role of terror and its inverse: every dedicated person eliminated during the terror left open a job that an often less-qualified person could move up to. Such people were so grateful to rise higher than they ever expected that they became loyal to the death to Stalin and what they assumed was a benefit from Communism. Because Stalin labeled those purged “enemies of the people,” the arrivistes felt no guilt about replacing them.

To paint anything, I need to understand it fully, visually as well as intellectually. When I began DGS, I assumed I’d paint Russian social structure in the typical pyramid made up of horizontal layers for each class, commonly used for every country in the world.

But as I familiarized myself with the new research about Tsarist class structure, I discovered it revealed that Russian social structure (beginning centuries ago with the rise of Muscovy) was made up of vertical patronage clans, where the autocrat at the top doled out patronage to top princes (Boyars), who in turn passed some down to their own less-powerful clan clients, who themselves passed down a portion to their clan clients, and so on. Those lowest supported the weight of everyone above them because that was their only access to crumbs of wealth getting passed down.

So I needed to invent a way of painting vertical clans instead of horizontal classes, with poorer nobles at the bottom shading into wealthier ones above them, and the boyars at the top. I used color to differentiate among clans.

Next, I had to create Panel 2’s Bolshevik social structure. (I had decided to plunge into painting Panel 1 without knowing what I’d do in the following panels.) Astoundingly, after a six-month-long long struggle to find enough material about Soviet social structure to paint it, I discovered a UCLA Soviet historian, Arch Getty, who was about to have a book published about his research on Bolshevik clans! I wrote to him, and he kindly sent me a manuscript copy, which I read with great excitement.

Here was the research I needed to be able to paint Panel 2! Bolshevik patronage clans were almost a direct copy of the Tsarist clans, with a few modifications! So Panel 2 became Bolshevik vertical clans that were nearly identical to Tsarist ones, with a few changes such as no longer being family based.

My artistic process: I create sketches in an insanely complex digital process in my computer (where each of hundreds of people, and often various body parts, are on separate virtual layers). Then I transfer the completed sketches to canvas. This process takes as long as the painting itself does. Much of that time is spent searching for online models for the extreme poses my people are in—poses no live model could hold beyond a split second.

Tell me about the reaction to your work.
I’ve been thrilled by the reaction to DGS. Most recently, at the Wende, it’s been so popular that the curator held over its exhibition for an additional five months.

I’ve engaged with viewers of all ages, from adults of many different backgrounds, through university students and day camp kids, all of whom become excited about the characters and people. They crouch down to study lower sections; talk with other viewers, point to specific painted people they’re interested in.

Over the last year, I’ve developed a new way of interacting with groups of viewers. I ask each to choose any two people in the entire piece who appeal to them, observing what actions their two people are taking, where they are in the hierarchy, whether they’re traceable over two or more panels of the polyptych, etc. Building up and out from these individual observations and wonderful questions, we have a terrific group conversation, often ending with discussing why this vertical patronage structure is so profoundly rooted in Russia.

Russian oppositionist artists who I met in Russia (pre-Ukraine invasion) weren’t happy with my portrayal of the continuity of their country’s centuries-old autocracy. They believed that they could create something radically new in Russia: a truly democratic society, so they didn’t want to hear about holdovers from tsarism. I completely understood how they felt. But I believe that without understanding the phenomenally strong forces of continuity, oppositionists will never be able to interrupt those forces. (The power of continuity is alive and well in the U.S., too; e.g., as we keep creating new iterations of slavery via sharecropping, Jim Crowe, redlining, mass incarceration.)

How did you feel when Glasnost and Perestroika rose to the surface? Did you believe Russia could really change its Soviet trajectory?
In the 1990s, I tried to hold out some hope, but I strongly suspected that autocracy would reconstitute itself, just as it had after the 17th-century Time of Troubles and the 1917 Revolution. And in fact, a continuation of the patronage clan structure formed immediately after the fall of the USSR. The oligarchs we’ve heard about since the 1990s are the new name for the same boyars and nomenklatura of earlier Russian/Soviet autocracies.

Westerners look at Putin, and assume he could choose to transform centuries-old vertical-power institutions into democratic ones. They see his invasion of Ukraine as a result of a lunatic’s dream of reconstituting the Russian Empire. But when we label dictators “insane,” we do it at our own peril, because, since we can’t understand insanity, it’s pointless to try to understand the deep causes for Russian autocratic society today.

It’s crucial to look at how entire societies are organized, not only the person at the top, to understand Russia (or any other country) in a serious way. That’s why I paint all these three-inch-high people, to portray a social structure built of many, many individuals.

Do you think Putinism is here to stay, and will only spread, as it seems may happen with Ukraine?
I hope that Ukraine will eventually win this horrific, unconscionable war.

Sadly, I think Russian autocracy will likely stay. Russia’s entire society, for many centuries, has developed as a way to concentrate wealth and power in Moscow. Geographers call Russia the topographically least defensible country on Earth. So Russia has developed an entire society formed like a military chain of command—in other words, an autocracy.

Can art like yours (and others who satirize tyranny) alter the world in any way? Or are we headed toward the abyss?
I’ve asked myself that question all my adult life. It’s why I stopped doing art for years and went to history grad school. I thought studying social change in academia could alter the world more than art could. Today, I feel that a single artist can’t change the world. But maybe art designed to engage all kinds of viewers in a deeper understanding of autocracy—and other political systems—can make a small contribution, if many, many other people are working toward a similar goal.

What is next in your satiric arsenal?
For the past four, going on five years, I’ve been working on a 16-foot-wide polyptych titled Peter the Great’s Grand Embassy Through Europe: Peter Consoles the Infant Stalin. What’s exciting about this one is that it opens up all of Europe, along with Russia, for satire. It also allows viewers to very clearly see some of the many geographic assets in Europe that Russia didn’t (not only climate), helping us understand why Europe and the U.S. developed pluralistic systems while Russia remained autocratic.

*My criteria for choosing my top African American Designers were simple: a) I must love their work, and b) they must be older than I (born in 1966).

I do not intentionally exclude well-deserved and talented younglings. But I wrote this article as a call back to my younger self, to recognize that the path before me was designed Black and beautiful.

Now, read on and shine on.

Charles Dawson (1889 – 1981)

Best known for his illustrated advertisements, Charles Dawson (Charles Clarence Dawson) was an influential Chicago designer and artist through the 1920s and 30s.

He was born in 1898 in Georgia and went on to attend Booker T. Washington’s Tuskegee Institute. After two years, he left when he became the first African American admitted into the Arts Students League of New York. Dawson abandoned the pervasive racism of the league when he gained acceptance to the Art Institute of Chicago, where, in his own words, their attitude was “entirely free of bias.” During his time there, Dawson was heavily involved and went on to become a founding member of the first Black artists collective in Chicago, The Arts & Letters Collective.

After graduation, he went on to serve in the segregated forces of WWI, where he faced combat in France. He returned to find a changed Chicago: one racially charged due to a slowed economy and trouble finding jobs. In 1922, Dawson began freelancing, producing work for other black entrepreneurs. Five years later, Dawson played a major role in the first exhibition of African American art at his alma mater called Negro In Art Week.

Dawson took part in two different Works Progress Administration programs under Roosevelt’s New Deal, including the National Youth Administration, where he designed the layout for the American Negro Exposition, a piece composed of 20 dioramas showcasing African American history.

He eventually returned to Tuskegee, where he became a curator for the institute’s museum and passed away at the ripe old age of 93 in Pennsylvania. Dawson will always be remembered for his great contributions to African American art, design, and advancement.

Aaron Douglas (1899 – 1979)

Known as a key artist in the Harlem Renaissance, Aaron Douglas was a pivotal figure in developing a distinctly African style of art through his blending of Art Deco and Art Nouveau styles with connections to African masks and dances. His illustrations, published in Alan Locke’s anthology, The New Negro Movement, showcased his detachment from European-style arts and evolution into his own style, clearly communicating African heritage.

Douglas graduated from the University of Nebraska in 1922 with a BFA. He then taught high school art before moving to New York two years later to study under German artist Winold Reiss.

He became the most sought-after illustrator for black writers of his time after his covers for Opportunity and The Crisis, dubbed “Afro-Cubanism” by leading art critic Richard Powell. Among his other notable covers and illustrations are his designs for Carl Van Vechten’s Nigger Heaven and God’s Trombone, James Weldon Johnson’s epic poem.

Douglas was well-versed in Harlem nightlife, where he spent many nights gaining inspiration for his designs and depictions of the black urban scene. His murals, adorning the walls of various institutions, cemented his name as a major artist of the Harlem Renaissance. His best-known work is a series of murals called, Aspects of Negro Life, which Douglas created for the 135th St. branch of the New York Public Library.

He later left New York to become chair of the art department of Fisk University in Nashville, where he resided until his death in 1979.

Leroy Winbush (1915 – 2007)

One week after graduating high school, Winbush left Detroit for Chicago to become a graphic designer. His inspiration and mentors at the time were sign designers on Chicago’s South Side. He began creating signage, flyers, and murals for the Regal Theater, where he rubbed elbows with some of the most famous black musicians of the time.

Winbush then went on to join Goldblatt Department Store’s sign department, where he was the only black employee. In 1945, after years of working for others, Winbush started his own company, Winbush Associates, later Winbush Designs. Here, he landed accounts with various publishing houses, doing layouts for Ebony and Jet, among others. His ambition and charisma eventually helped him gain acceptance as a black designer and entrepreneur.

Later in life, Winbush began teaching visual communications and typography at various Chicago universities. He concurrently mastered the art of scuba diving, a feat that helped him land a position as part of the crew tasked with creating Epcot Center’s coral reef.

Winbush was adamant in his desire to be remembered as a “good designer,” as opposed to a “Black designer,” but was well aware of the influence he could have on the progression of the Black community. He designed a sickle cell anemia exhibit and exhibitions of the Underground Railroad for different Chicago museums to illuminate Black history, past and present, to the public. His accomplishments throughout his lifetime make LeRoy Winbush a notable African American graphic designer worth checking out.

Eugene Winslow (1919 – 2001)

Born in Dayton, Ohio, into a family of seven children, Eugene Winslow’s parents stressed the importance of education and encouraged their children to study the arts. Winslow attended Dillard University, receiving his Bachelor of Fine Arts degree. He then served in WWII as part of the revered Tuskegee Airmen.

After the war, Winslow nurtured his lifelong artistic interest by attending The Art Institute of Chicago and the Illinois Institute of Technology. Winslow then went on to co-found the Am-Afro Publishing house based out of Chicago, where in 1963, they published Great American Negroes Past and Present with Winslow’s illustrations. That same year, he also designed the seal commemorating the 100th anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation for the Chicago Exposition. Throughout his career as an artist, designer, businessman, and entrepreneur, Winslow always sought to promote racial integration wherever possible.

Georg Olden (1920 – 1975)

Born in 1920 in Birmingham, Alabama, to the son of an escaped enslaved person and opera-singing mother, Georg Olden was a revolutionary designer who helped pave the way for African Americans in the field of design and the corporate world.

After a brief stint at Virginia State College, Olden dropped out of school to work as a graphic designer for the CIA’s predecessor, The Office of Strategic Services. From there, the connections he made helped him land a position at CBS in 1945 as Head of Network Division of On-Air Promotions. Here, he worked on programs such as Gunsmoke, and I Love Lucy and eventually went on to help create the vote-tallying scoreboard for the first televised Presidential Election in 1952.

Praised in his day and posthumously, Olden appeared multiple times in publications such as Graphis and Ebony. In 1963, he became the first African American to design a postage stamp. His design showcased chains breaking to celebrate the centennial anniversary of the Emancipation Proclamation. By 1970, he had won seven Clio Awards for creative excellence in advertising and design and eventually won the AIGA (American Institute of Graphic Arts) award in 2007. Celebrated for his talent, charm, and business intelligence, Olden was a revolutionary African American graphic designer who made advancements in the industry and for all African Americans.

Thomas Miller (1920 – 2012)

Born in Bristol, Virginia, the grandson of enslaved people, Thomas Miller’s talent, hard work, and ambition helped him become one of the first Black designers to break into mainstream graphic design.

Miller graduated and earned a Bachelor of Education with a focus on the arts in 1941 from Virginia State College. Soon after, he enlisted in the army and served in WWII, achieving the rank of First Sergeant.

After the war, Miller was determined to learn about commercial design. He gained acceptance to The Ray Vogue School of Art in Chicago, where he and fellow student Emmett McBain were the only African Americans besides the janitors.

After graduation, Miller searched for jobs and denied one offer in New York because he worked “behind the screen.” Unwilling to tolerate the company’s overt racism, Miller passed on the offer and eventually joined the progressive Chicago studio Morton Goldsholl Associates. It was here that Miller, as chief designer, worked on high-profile campaigns such as the design for 7-Up in the 1970s. As a supporting member of the design team, he also worked on the Motorola rebranding, the Peace Corps logo, and the Betty Crocker “Chicken Helper” branding, earning accolades for himself and the company.

Miller also freelanced, starting when he served in WWII and continuing through his work with Goldsholl. Through his independent work, Miller was commissioned to create a memorial to the DuSable Museum’s founders. This job resulted in one of his most well-known pieces, the Thomas Miller Mosaics, now featured in the museum’s lobby.

Miller’s hard work, dedication, and artistic talent helped him pave the way for many African-American artists and designers to come.

Emmett McBain (1935 – 2012)

Emmett McBain, born in Chicago in 1935, is lesser known than some other designers I’ve profiled. But McBain made major contributions to the advertising and design world and for all African Americans through his successes in the business world.

Emmett McBain, a true visual thinker and communicator, attended The American Academy of Art and the Illinois Institute of Technology, where he became a talented watercolor artist. Post-graduation, McBain worked for several notable agencies and firms as a designer, art supervisor, and creative consultant before co-founding Burrell McBain Incorporated. This advertising agency, which later became the largest African-American-owned agency in the States, aimed to serve their accounts while gaining the trust and loyalty of the Black community. McBain was key in running the agency, landing valuable accounts, and constantly developing new and fresh ideas. His former partner, Thomas J. Burrell, praised his leadership skills and ability to think outside the box.

McBain left Burrell McBain in 1974 to focus on independent art and design in his Hyde Park, Chicago neighborhood, where he later passed away in 2012 at 78.

The University of Illinois at Chicago has a collection featuring his works entitled Emmett McBain Design Papers. You’ll find print ads, record album covers, and transparencies of Billboards, all McBain designed.

Archie Boston (born 1943)

Known for his blatant self-deprecation and humor, Archie Boston was a pioneer in challenging the racism of the 1960s and 70s through his designs and attitude.

One of five children, Boston grew up poor but well aware of the importance of education. In 1961, his artistic talent landed him acceptance to Chouinard Art Institute. While at university, he interned with the advertising agency Carson/Roberts, where he cemented his desire to work in design and eventually returned to the agency years later.

After graduation, he worked at various advertising and design firms before forming Boston & Boston with his older brother, Bradford. It was here that they created provocative pieces showcasing their race, as well as creativity, in pieces such as “Catch a Nigger by The Toe” and by selecting the Jim Crow typeface for their logotype.

For the majority of his career, however, Boston was an educator. He landed a position as a full-time lecturer in the art department at California State University, Long Beach, before creating their design department and eventually becoming head of the visual communications design program. He influenced countless young designers there, inspiring them through his encouragement and standard for excellence.

Emory Douglas (Born 1943)

The former Revolutionary Artist and Minister of Culture for the Black Panther Party, Emory Douglas’ career in commercial art has been centered around civil and equal rights propagation from its beginnings.

Douglas’ first exposure to design came when his crimes landed him in the Youth Training School of Ontario, California. Here, he worked in the print shop and learned about typography, illustration, and logo design. Later, Douglas enrolled in commercial art classes at the City College of San Francisco after running into a former counselor from the center who encouraged him to do so

During this time, Douglas became active in the Black Panther Party after being introduced to the founding members, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale. Douglas offered up his design skills while watching Seale work on the first issue of the party’s paper, The Black Panther. He was well aware of the importance of having illustrations and artwork to help reach the many illiterate members of the communities the party was targeting. Much of his art and illustration for the paper initially focused on Black rights, but it soon expanded to include women, children, and community figures alongside the party’s focuses. While working on The Black Panther, Douglas coined and popularized the term “pigs” in reference to police officers.

In the 1980s, the Black Panther Party, as Douglas had once known it, was mostly dissolved by law enforcement efforts. Later, Douglas moved to care for his ailing mother and continued to pursue some independent design. His revolutionary artwork helped to educate and agitate repressed and suppressed communities of the time.

Sylvia Harris (1953 – 2011)

Noted for her unwavering desire to help others, Sylvia Harris was a graphic designer, teacher, and business owner who used her research and skill set to reach far and wide.

Born and raised in Richmond, VA, Harris experienced the desegregation of the 1960s directly. This experience provided the foundation for her interest in social systems and their effect. After receiving her BFA from Virginia Commonwealth University, Harris moved to Boston, where she worked with various creative types. Through her work with WGBH and Chris Pullman, she realized the design field’s breadth and depth. After much prodding from her mentor, Harris enrolled in Yale’s Masters in Graphic Design program.

Two Twelve Associates was created with two of her former classmates in 1980 after graduation. Here, Harris began to explore how to use and grow her skill set to develop large-scale public information systems. Her work with Citibank set an early precedent for human-centered automated customer service.

In 1994, Harris left Two Twelve to create Sylvia Harris LLC, where she changed gears and began focusing more on design planning and strategies. Harris helped guide some of the largest public institutions, hospitals, and universities with systems planning. As creative director for the US Census Bureau’s Census 2000, Harris’ rebranding efforts helped encourage previously underrepresented citizens to participate.

Harris was awarded the AIGA medal posthumously in 2014, three years after her untimely death at the age of 57. Harris will always be remembered for her contributions to the design field and far beyond.

Art Sims (Born 1954)

From his first foray into the art world with the “Draw Me” test from magazines and TV of the 50s and 60s, Sims excelled. He attended Detroit’s Cass Technical High School, known for its dedication to the arts. From there, Sims gained acceptance to the University of Michigan on a full scholarship. During the summer between his junior and senior years, Sims landed a job with Columbia Records to produce a series of album covers. After graduation, the Sunshine State called his name, and Sims headed to LA.

Sims scored a job with EMI, but he was ultimately let go for pursuing freelance work. He went on to work for CBS, where he continued building his independent portfolio. When he was let go this time, Sims was prepared and already had the office space for his firm, 11:24 Advertising Design.

After seeing one of Spike Lee’s films, Sims knew he had to work with the director. He went on to design posters for Lee’s New Jack City, Do the Right Thing, Malcolm X, and most controversially, Bamboozled.

Ever the entrepreneur, Sims is developing a greeting card line and writing screenplays while teaching graphic design to African American middle schoolers. Art Sims is the epitome of talent, drive, and ambition, someone every graphic designer should know.

Gail Anderson (Born 1962)

Known for her uncanny ability to create expressive, dynamic typefaces perfectly suited to their subject, Gail Anderson is a designer and teacher with an impressive tenure in the field.

Born and raised in New York, Anderson’s ever-burning curiosity about design began with the teen magazines of her adolescent years. It was cemented while studying at the School of Visual Arts in NY. Here, Anderson began to develop her methodologies and no-holds-barred approach to design.

After college, Anderson eventually landed at The Boston Globe for two years, working with those responsible for pioneering the new newspaper design of the late 1980s. Moving on to Rolling Stone in 1987, Anderson worked seamlessly with AIGA medalist Fred Woodward, where their creative process always included lots of music, low lighting, and late nights. Her work with Woodward was always exploring new and exciting materials and instruments to create Rolling Stone’s eclectic design. They utilized everything from hot metal to bits of twigs to bottle caps to create their vision.

After working her way up from associate to senior art director, Anderson left Rolling Stone in 2002 to join SpotCo, where her focus shifted from design to advertising. At SpotCo, she’s been the designer behind innumerable Broadway and off-Broadway posters, including that of Avenue Q and Eve Ensler’s The Good Body.

Praised as the quintessential collaborator for her inclusive, expressive, and encouraging attitude towards working together, Anderson also admits that many of her “high-octane” designs occurred at night, solo. Whether it’s her collaborative work, solo projects, magazine layouts, or theatrical posters, Anderson designs work with and for her subjects, always emphasizing their highest potential.

The Unknown & Overlooked Designers

They are many, often invisible, but we feel the impact of their work throughout history, and we should acknowledge them. Many African American graphic designers worked behind the scenes and did not receive credit for their work due to the racist norms of the times. 

These include:

• The logo creators for the uniforms of the Negro baseball and basketball leagues;
• Trail-blazing entrepreneurs like Madam C.J. Walker, Annie Malone, Carmen C. Murphy, Mae Reeves, Anthony Overton, Frederick Patterson, and many more;
• The unknown graphic designer who painted the bold and sobering “A MAN WAS LYNCHED YESTERDAY” flag, hung by the NAACP from their New York offices whenever they learned of a hanging;
• Those presently active (Black Lives Matter) are creating banners, posters, signs, and media protesting discrimination of all kinds. Graphic design, after all, is about communicating a message effectively.

The truth of all history cannot be understated. As a designer of the African diaspora (African-Jamaican-Canadian), I believe in knowing those who paved the way. These men and women boldly pushed past racial inequality with their talent and perseverance to help create the way for all.

Glenford Laughton is founder of Toronto-based agency Laughton Creatves, a design studio that believes design is a highly-collaborative endeavor (hence the missing ‘i’). This article was written and researched by Glenford Laughton and originally published on the Laughton Creatves website. Republished with permission of the author.

Sources: AIGA, The Design Observer, The University of Chicago Library, Atlanta Blackstar, The History Makers, Wikipedia, Chicago Tribune, Chicago Design Archive, and The Root.

We will start with American democracy. This is not an attempt to be chronological but to exhibit, as we find them, the artifacts that remind us to preserve and celebrate democratic ideals—and uphold the Constitution. By the end of this tense election year we should have what amounts to an archive of diverse objects that represent how designers view(ed) the democratic experiment.

These pieces will be random at the outset but as they build, they’ll grow into a visual dictionary of democracy. Contributions are welcome. It will be fascinating to see what “brands” democracy, and for whom.

These advertisements for The New York Times, created in 1940–41, echo warnings of the threat of hard-right thinking today. Democracy needs a free press. Although there has always been partisan editorial pages, journalism is meant to be fair and balanced—in 1940 especially, when America was under attack from within. Anti-democratic forces under various banners were infiltrating state and national government, the courts and the law. These cautionary ads were not just handsome pieces of modernist collage but calls to action. It is not entirely clear who designed them: George “Kirk” Kirkorian was the Times promotion art director from 1939–1941, when he took a leave-of-absence to work for the Office of War Information (OWI). Shirley Plaut, the first woman promotion AD at the Times, replaced him until war’s end. Then he returned as art director until 1953. It is possible that she, who worked in a modernist style, did the ads with Kirk as AD, or on her own. Either way, they are splendid examples of graphic design in the service of democracy.

In 2018 I wrote about dystopian fiction such as Sinclair Lewis’s famous 1935 bestselling novel It Can’t Happen Here, in which a ambitious demagogue, Democrat/populist Senator Berzelius “Buzz” Windrip takes the nomination away from the incumbent FDR at the party convention and goes on to beat his Republican challenger. Upon taking office Windrip outlaws dissent; jails political enemies in internment camps, and recruits a paramilitary group of thugs called the Minute Men, who violently enforce the policies of the new “corporatist” state. The government curtails women’s and minority rights, and eliminates individual states by subdividing the country into administrative sectors. When It Can’t Happen Here was first published, America First, Christian Front and German Bund organizations were rapidly growing around the country, advocating revolution to “save the Constitution” from aliens, with many members of Congress supporting the cause.

It did not happen here then but America came perilously close to losing its democracy, replaced by the rising fascist tide that drowned Europe in hate and was growing in the U.S. too. We dodged the bullet. Yet not by much.

Rachel Maddow’s recent, Prequel: An American Fight Against Fascism (Crown) is a sobering (and horrifyingly timely) history of the rise of American hard right populism that Sinclair Lewis cautioned against. Maddow reveals many forgotten psuedo-patriotic power-seekers, anti-democratic organizations, and some infamous onerous figures, including Henry Ford, Father J. Coughlin and Charles Lindbergh, that held sway from coast to coast ruling over millions of followers — a well armed army of would-be insurrectionists who make January 6th’s mob seem like a garden party. They weren’t just fringe fanatics but politicians, business men, members of police, military, clergy and more belonging to illiberal cadres including the Black Legion and Silver Shirts (possibly the most militant gang of states rights white supremacists) poised to violently rebel.

Maddow’s title, Prequel, indicates that this widespread threat to democracy, which was thwarted by American journalists, public servants and private citizens, was just the first of many such attacks on the constitution leading to the current MAGAists. It is furthermore a wake-up call for those who, as Liz Chaney says, are “sleep-walking” into the abyss of an authoritarian United States. Just how strong a call to action depends on how many of us will wake-up on election day and do the right thing and reject the Trump-thing.

Authoritarianism in America relies on those in power preying on a wide array of citizens to sanction anti-democratic illegitimacy. The divide in America today is perhaps deeper than it was in the 30s and 40s, the period covered in Prequel, but millions of people were just as fervent about following a totalitarian leader. It is curiously similar to today’s “radicals” and the stakes are just as high. There is a clear choice: moderate liberalism versus rampant demagoguery.

What can a designer do? Campaign, advocate, support and vote. Cast ballots for freedom, liberty and American principles. Designing a poster is a nice gesture to show solidarity but is not going to defeat democrafascism. If there is no clear action to back it up, whatever that may be, the red, white and blue is doomed.

Here, Thompson tell us a bit more about it.

How do you see this campaign being used?
I have no clue. When I’m not writing or painting, I default to my mild-mannered ad-man identity. I see myself as an ad artist (adtist?). When I come up with something I think is good, I can’t help myself, I have to express it. And the difference between being an artist and an adtist is that when I’m working in the ad form I have to have some idea of my audience, strategic goals and expected outcomes. 

Once I create new ad-art, I put it on my Facebook page to get feedback. Facebook gives me an instant, worldwide focus group … free. With my D-Day button, I figure I’ll contact my local politicians and see if anyone bites. I already exposed it to Robert Creamer and Pete Giangreco, two big Chicago political consultants, at an Indivisible Chicago meeting and radio show a few weeks ago.    

I’m planning on buying a button-making machine so I can actually make the first versions of my D-Day buttons myself. I’ll sell them as limited editions. But my dream scenario is to get the national party or PACs to license using my button and ads for their campaigns. 

Do you think enough people know what the original D-Day was these days?
Good question. I was born about three years after D-Day and I probably didn’t really know what it was until I was in my late teens, or when I watched movies like The Longest Day. But I think even young folks know it’s about something big and will be intrigued enough by its message and design to Google it. I actually think the macho images of Americans in the fight for democracy might make it sexy to the video game crowd. 

Given the (petty) criticism about Biden’s age, would you consider that the D-Day reference might bolster it?
No. I think if we use it right, the D-Day reference can punch up Biden’s gravitas, seriousness, coolness under fire, experience, “grown-up-ness.” It might even make his age a plus. 

It is important to note that the letter “Z” does not exist in the Russian alphabet. The Latin letter “Z” effectively replaces the Cyrillic letter З in texts related to the invasion. It takes on a patriotic connotation in such contexts, aiming to evoke feelings of devotion and duty. The Russian government has strategically employed Z to build a national identity. This symbol has become emblematic of a new form of totalitarianism, nationalism, and “ruscism” – a term used to describe the aggressive nature of Russia’s political system and the cult of personality that has emerged around Vladimir Putin. The designer of the Z symbol is unknown. In an article for The New York Times, Timothy Snider writes that “ruscism” is “a useful conceptualization of Putin’s worldview.” However, The Russian Ministry of Defense said the Z symbol is “not official and does not carry a special meaning.”²

Notably, Z often dons the colors of the St. George ribbon, a prominent symbol of modern Russian nationalism. Brandon Schechter explains in Perspectives on History that “these orange-and-black strips of cloth were initially an apolitical sign of solidarity with the disappearing generation that fought in World War II and pride in the Red Army’s key role in defeating fascism.”³ Today, the proponents of the invasion invoke the need to “de-nazify” Ukraine. Yet, it’s hard to ignore the comparisons drawn between Z and other symbols, particularly the swastika and the runic sign “Wolfsangel.” The symbol represents a link between violence and solidarity, showcasing an individual’s alignment with the authorities—those who oppose the usage of Z risk criminal charges. Meduza tells the story of Vladimir Zaklyazminsky, who was sentenced to twelve days in prison after he ripped out patches containing pro-war symbols from the clothes of children in temporary accommodation centers.⁴

Many citizens express their support in the digital realm. With the state encouraging the usage of the sign, false and misleading narratives flood the most popular Russian media platforms. Numerous Telegram (below) and Vkontakte (VK) groups and channels incorporate the Z symbol into their branding when publishing materials from the front lines, characterizing Ukrainian soldiers as “neo-Nazis” and “militants.” Users of these platforms upload avatars featuring the symbol to demonstrate their loyalty to the current regime. The character even has made its way into the world of music, appearing on album covers of patriotic songs found on VK.

The sign has become a focal point in various public institutions, including schools, where children and adults are involved in public demonstrations of support for the actions in Ukraine. Kremlin pro-war propaganda targets young Russians, calling them “Putin’s Generation Z.”

The use of Z has also extended into clothing design. Private sellers produce T-shirts featuring Z with “patriotic” slogans: “We don’t abandon our own,” “I’m not ashamed,” “We are together,” and “Together for peace.” This rebranding appears on baseball caps, car stickers, key rings, beer glasses, and even vodka bottles.

Displaying the symbol on building facades demonstrates support for the Russian army, as do flash mobs that involve Z-shaped lighting. The signifier has found its way into installations, monuments, and gravestones, forming a new tradition around events celebrating the army’s achievements. Drivers display the letter Z on their cars; some participate in “patriotic car rallies.”

The proliferation of Z has also spurred opposition and fuels the growing anti-war movement. Internationally, the impact of Z has led to a reluctance to use similar symbols in global spaces. Companies worldwide have begun renaming products to avoid associations with the war. Swiss company Zurich Insurance Group ceased using the blue Z on its social media, instead opting to spell out the word. Samsung Electronics also altered the name of the Galaxy Z Fold 3 line to Galaxy Fold 3 in certain countries. The disinformation and propaganda ecosystem that Russia continues to cultivate does not stand unopposed. A thriving global community comprising governments, civil institutions, academia, the press, the private sector, and citizens worldwide is pushing back.

In a world where symbols hold immense power, the story of Z serves as a cautionary tale, demonstrating how weaponized design shapes perceptions and ideologies.

This is a guest post by El. Stern, a postgraduate design researcher, writer, and adventurer. Her research explores the influence of design within mass media on identity formation.

Header photo: Photo by Jade Koroliuk on Unsplash.

Imagery from top: Z symbol in colors of St. George’s ribbon with slogan: “We don’t abandon our own,” Cosmin Stefano Amzoc/Wikimedia Commons/CC 4.0; Z in style of German “Wolfsangel,” MSA09/Wikimedia Commons/CC 4.0; Sampling from Telegram; Building featuring the Z in the style of St. George’s ribbon, Alexander Davronov/Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 4.0 (image cropped)

1. Alexey Kovalev, “The letter Z is the official (and ominous) symbol of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. We tried to find out who came up with this, and this is what came out of it,” Meduza, May 19, 2022 ↩︎
2. Evgeny Stupin, “The Russian Ministry of Defense stated that the Z and V symbols “are not official and do not carry a special load”, Meduza, May 19, 2022 ↩︎
3. Brandon Shehter, “St. George’s Ribbon,” Perspectives on History, Mar 29, 2023 ↩︎
4. “Ukrainian Man Arrested in Voronezh after Removing Patches with Pro-War Symbols from Children’s Clothing in Shelter — Meduza,” August 22, 2023 ↩︎

Humans evolve, and the way we learn develops, but we’re sitting at a pivotal point where the main source of news we’re consuming is simplified derivatives of a primary source. The information we’re consuming is filtered down to a 1080×1080 box of ill-designed statements that may or may not contain accurate data.

While scrolling through my Instagram during the deeply troubling Israel-Hamas war, I wondered why I saw the same graphics repeatedly. It wasn’t because they were the only ones out there; I’d often see new ones splashed between, but I realized that it was because these specific graphics were beautifully designed, legible, and quick to make a point. 

Thanks to social media algorithms, I recognized we often see the same memes shared continually because of how we respond and interact with design, not necessarily the truths within. Therefore, the same messages were constantly circulating and forming the zeitgeist, thinning out a range of perspectives, voices, beliefs, and ideals, regardless of whether the information shared was factual.  

Memes themselves carry an unspoken socio-political currency. Although they can be seen as an unconcerned approach to news, they often help surpass cultural and demographic barriers to become powerful tools for self-expression and connection. It allows for the efficient sharing of opinions and fewer barriers to understanding and communicating highly political and controversial topics. 

Not only do memes create a lower barrier for entry into conversation, but they also can provide a valuable coping mechanism.

Further, memes and distilled graphics allow people to enter high-level conversations without academic formalities or the fear of being alienated. These shareable graphics undeniably cultivate conversations for those who otherwise might not know where to begin. 

Not only do memes create a lower barrier for entry into conversation, but they also can provide a valuable coping mechanism. The American Psychological Association ran a study that focused on the effects of the consumption of memes and their coping efficacy. While the study focused on COVID-related memes, the study was able to prove the coping effectiveness of memes. 

“This study provides initial evidence that memes may not be just frivolous fun; they are potentially helpful for coping with the stress of a global pandemic and connecting us psychologically while we remain physically apart,” the study concludes. “Memes could be used as very cheap, easily accessible potential interventions to support coping efforts.”

When these graphics or memes posted on social media platforms are shared continuously, they become further removed from the context, allowing viewers to summarize and embrace their own meanings.

Further, clarifying information in its simplest form creates more palatable reports. “Aesthetically appealing and easily digestible graphics or memes that confirm a viewer’s bias in an extremely clear way tend to spread faster than content that takes more time to understand,” says Raphael Farasat, CEO at Truffl and an award-winning brand strategist and creative director. “The spread of this over-simplified content can significantly influence public opinion by reaching a larger audience and making the content seem more credible or important. Their design can evoke stronger emotional responses and engagement, thereby influencing how people perceive and interpret the news.”

Yet, there is a dangerous side to memes as well. When these graphics or memes posted on social media platforms are shared continuously, they become further removed from the context, allowing viewers to summarize and embrace their own meanings. 

Further, when the same messages are repeatedly shared, regardless of whether the information is true, it can cause unnecessary panic and false truths and change narratives entirely. “[The instant shareability] is a double-edged sword. The instant shareability ensures that information, opinions, and ideas circulate quickly, fostering a dynamic discourse,” says Farasat. “However, it also enables the rapid spread of misinformation, simplifications, and bias, which can skew public perception and understanding of events like the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.”

Designers play a role in determining what aspects of a news story get highlighted or overshadowed through their design choices.

Raphael Farasat, CEO at Truffl and brand strategist and creative director

Because of the current shift in how humans receive their news, there’s new pressure on designers to create factually accurate content in a concise, well-designed fashion. “Ethically, designers should aim to promote a balanced and informed conversation, ensuring their designs don’t misinform or fuel polarization,” communicates Farasat. “They play a role in determining what aspects of a news story get highlighted or overshadowed through their design choices.”

Farasat continues, “This is no different than designing content for brands. Rather than attempting to market a product or service, designers are marketing ideas. In the same way a designer for a cigarette brand bears some responsibility for their ability to convince people to smoke, a designer of political content should have some responsibility for the effects of their content — whether it exacerbates division or influences people to cause harm in real life.” 

Before the Hamas invasion and the following events, graphics and memes perpetually circulated misinformation or exaggerated information. For example, the Internet was suddenly barraged with memes about the Chinese ‘spy’ balloons flying over the US or the ever-cycling COVID-related misinformation via memes. While these memes provide simplified versions of the news, they also host mounds of misinformation and false claims. 

There’s a new call to action for designers to consider their power when controversial topics arise, especially those as significant as the Israeli-Hamas war. Because of the shift in how people consume news, designers have a new responsibility in sharing information beautifully and accurately and creating well-informed, factual rhetoric around events. Because, at the end of the day, the well-designed memes and graphics circulate the Internet to form the zeitgeist.

Banner composite by author.

What makes this particular case unique is that it was shaped, crafted, and supported solely for the purposes of promoting a tenant of the conservative political agenda. Namely, rolling back any rights or gains associated with LGBTQIA goals and the ability of government to support such progress. It was not an accident that this case involved a creative activity, namely, website design since creative activities are inherently “expressive” in nature which normally have significant free-speech content. The arguments of the plaintiff hit all the notes likely to resonate with a conservative or libertarian philosophy. Almost all expressive or creative activities implicate some free speech right and when paired with a desire to roll back the reach of government the plaintiff’s arguments dovetailed beautifully with the conservative majority of the current Supreme Court. Conservatives have long complained that public accommodations laws were another example of government overreach forcing business owners to recognize groups they may not support.

Public accommodation laws are founded on the principle that in exchange for a license to conduct business, a business owner must serve all reasonable customers. Such licenses typically arise when a business owner forms a corporation or a limited liability company and as a result, enjoy the benefits of limited personal liability and tax benefits associated with conducting business as a corporation or an LLC.

Here, the Supreme Court decided that the mere stated desire of the plaintiff design firm to openly restrict the provision of wedding website design services to only heterosexual couples was effectively a free speech right, a right that overrode Colorado’s legal obligation that all business owners must serve all customers. Because 303 Creative was a business whose work was “expressive” in nature, conservative activists used a free speech argument, a traditional liberal argument, into a short cut to the center of the conservative brain stem.

If this case had involved a tire repair shop or a walk-in health clinic the outcome would likely have been different. Stated another way, the Supreme Court enshrined a right to discriminate if a business owner’s discriminatory speech was “expressive” or could be defended as free speech if a law otherwise forced them to repeat or support a government message not endorsed by the business owner. What are the practical considerations of this event? What, if any, are the unforeseen consequences? How will creative professionals be affected by this decision? How should designers, artists and others who offer creative services conduct and manage a business in view of this change? In addition, does this event portend wholesale alterations to what comprises creativity in a public-facing business context?

Just as there are conservative and liberal pollsters and political consultants, it is well known that there are designers who prefer to work with customers whose beliefs align with their own. Any experienced business owner has learned how to artfully decline to work with someone who may not be a suitable fit with the cultural or political beliefs of the business owner. For creative professionals who believe in serving all customers, the court’s decision changes nothing. For those who place value of being able to filter the uncomfortable out of their professional activities, the decision is welcome. An unintended consequence is that the decision creates another wedge between Americans, providing another barrier between “us and the other.” While purportedly better defining the boundaries of free speech, the decision actually inserts more distance between citizens.

As a practical matter, the designer who wishes to expressly identify political or religious boundaries will probably be able to do so in a more express and explicit way, stating that we do not design for …….” A designer, design or advertising agency can now freely attract or repel customers with only a cursory nod to subtlety and taste if certain types of customers offend their beliefs. While there are still limits to denying services to members of a protected class, it’s a smaller group to worry about now. The Court’s decision may even mean that the growing use of AI tools in creative endeavors will not need to be adjusted to reduce bias or make messaging differences less subtle, creating positional boundaries between conservative and liberal more obvious. Arguably, one can now even program bias into the algorithms of choice under the banner of free speech.

A creative business concerned about what position statement they can or cannot make in view of this decision should understand that the Court’s decision has been interpreted as only applying to expressive or free speech that may be associated with religious or political beliefs. It is not a blanket permission to refuse services to persons of an otherwise protected class. This means that denying service to a customer solely because of their race, color, religion, sex, national origin, age, disability, and genetic information is still illegal provided the basis for denial of service is not based upon a first amendment right. The result of this decision is confusing and skirts common sense. The very purpose of public accommodation laws is to prevent discrimination. I have often said that designers are the creators of culture and the court’s action inserts a thinly veiled loophole into equal protection laws resulting in more division to society and in the ways creative services are offered, purchased, and enjoyed in America.

Photo by Oleg Laptev on Unsplash.

The satirist and street artist Adrian Wilson sent out an email with the headline “Fingers Crossed,” which contained the following image:

I was ready to run with the “mutiny” piece today, when my eyes were distracted by David Leonhardt’s summation of the latest crazy turn of events in The New York Times:

“The Russian mercenaries who appeared to be mounting a coup attempt stopped their advance on Moscow, and Putin’s government announced that their leader—Yevgeny Prigozhin, the head of Wagner, a private military company—would flee to Belarus in exchange for amnesty. The Wagner troops who participated in the uprising would also receive amnesty, and other Wagner troops would be given the option of joining the Russian military or demobilizing, a Kremlin spokesman said.”

Prigozhin questioned Putin’s original motives for the war—”denazification”—and accused the Russian defense minister, Sergei K. Shoigu, of launching airstrikes on Wagner fighters.

“Prigozhin’s actions were a shocking rebellion,” added Leonhardt, “and the absence of punishment for him seemed to be a potential sign of weakness for Putin. He evidently lacks the military strength or political consensus to arrest somebody who started an armed mutiny against him.”

Content Warning: This story contains descriptions of and links to graphic imagery.

John and Barbara Willke were medical practitioners from Ohio. He delivered babies and she worked as a nurse. They were devout Catholics who believed in abstinence before marriage and gave sex-ed lectures at church that did not include any mention of sex out of wedlock or contraception. In 1964, they published their first book, How to Teach Children the Wonder of Sex, championing chastity at a time when the FDA had just approved the first oral contraceptive. Everything was changing. The anti-establishment winds of the Civil Rights movement, anti-war protests, counterculture, and second-wave feminism swept abortion reform into the idealistic upheaval of the late 1960s. Between 1969 and 1971, the underground abortion service Jane Collective helped provide more than 11,000 abortions and Planned Parenthood opened their first health center offering abortion services. Contrary to the fraught debate around abortion now, this kind of move was supported by Republicans at the time; in fact, Senator Prescott Bush sponsored funding for Planned Parenthood and spoke so frequently in favor of family planning that his nickname on the floor was “Rubbers.”

In the midst of this social turmoil, the Willkes quit their medical responsibilities and switched their focus from sex-ed to abortion. They derived credibility amongst religious circles from their good Catholic reputation, but it was their medical background that set them apart with wider audiences. In place of the usual Bible-quoting, they employed scientific terms like fetal development, chromosomes, and fertilization. They turned the creation of personhood into an unquestionable technical matter, and their mastery of rhetoric paved the way to building a platform at national speaking events and publications. At the behest of one of Barbara’s friends, they featured Lennart Nilsson’s accidentally controversial fetal photos in their lectures, and soon pro-lifers all over the country were sending them pictures.

The Willkes quickly learned that imagery was the most effective method of convincing the public to change their position on abortion. Dr. William Drake, a physician from St. Louis, sent over a photo they used frequently over the next several decades. They called it “the bucket shot.” The graphic photo depicted an occurrence that was as rare in 1970s America as it is today: the remains from a late-term abortion, in a metal bucket with some bloody gauze. Drake later admitted to journalist Cynthia Gorney that he added the bucket and gauze for effect because “it just looked like a better picture.” Drake’s seemingly untouched photographs were rearranged, manipulated, and repurposed without context. They were visceral, and that was what mattered. While Nilsson’s photography was meant to highlight the splendor of human reproduction, Drake’s footage was violent and bloody, making the direct link which Nilsson’s did not: abortion as murder.

In 1971, the Willkes published the Handbook on Abortion in an effort to document and disseminate their talks. During an interview with Gorney, Barbara Willke recalled their attempts to distribute the book at the Ohio State Fair that year. They had laid out copies of the book, but no one was stopping by— that is, until they flipped open to the page with the pictures. “And all of a sudden, [people] were just mobbing the booth,” she said. The book eventually sold over 1.5 million copies.

In the months before the Supreme Court ruled on Roe v. Wade, the Willkes published How to teach people the pro-life story, a modern-day sales manual on how to effectively market the movement. It was a play-by-play on how the Willkes communicated pro-life arguments so that other speakers might follow their lead. As described in the book, they never showed visuals of embryos less than six weeks old because “the audience may change their minds from their conviction that this is a human life.” They began their lectures with pictures of babies nearing full-term and subsequently moved through the fetal development process in reverse chronological order, asking the audience with each image: is this still a human? Their intention, as explained in the book, was to start with a picture that resembled a human to anchor the audience in the belief that they were looking at a living, breathing person.

The Willkes went further to provoke outrage, turning to visual metaphors that compared abortion to large-scale human catastrophes like the Holocaust and slavery. In her book Articles of Faith: A Frontline History of the Abortion Wars, Gorney describes pictures of fetuses in a garbage bag an unnamed doctor in Winnipeg sent to the Willkes: “The…shot worked like the Dachau concentration camp photographs from 1945: bodies upon bodies, apparently ready for disposal.” Like many pro-life activities in the ‘60s and ‘70s, they compared abortion to genocide, master race, and quality of life arguments. John Willke wrote an entire book ​​Slavery and abortion: History Repeats, evoking the concept of personhood and equating Roe v. Wade with Dred Scott v. Sanford, the 1857 Supreme Court ruling that stated enslaved people were not citizens of the United States.

How to teach the pro-life story was explicit in divulging its visual tactics, the same ones John Willke used in conversation with George H.W. Bush at his Kennebunkport vacation home. Their meeting took place prior to the 1988 presidential election, by which time the issue of abortion had become increasingly partisan. Eight years earlier, Bush ran for President on a platform in support of abortion and Barbara Bush walked into a National Federation of Republican Women meeting wearing a pro-choice button. But, as was the case with his father, Bush’s initially moderate stance came at a political cost. When he met Willke, the soon-to-be President was running his second campaign and wanted to appeal to religious conservatives. After viewing Willke’s lecture, Bush called a meeting with pro-life supporters and pledged his support to a human life amendment to overturn Roe v. Wade. In Willke’s words, it was the slideshow that convinced him. One year after their meeting, Bush praised the Supreme Court decision to allow state restrictions on abortion and reiterated his continued dedication “to restore to the people the ability to protect the unborn.”

As John Willke was presenting slides of fetal imagery to Bush, leading pro-choice advocacy organization, NARAL, was holding focus groups in Tampa. In one session, a woman called out, “Who decides?” and the following year, emboldened by the 1989 Supreme Court decision to permit states to levy abortion restrictions, NARAL ran a campaign with “Who Decides” at the forefront. It was catchy, short, and framed the issue as governmental involvement in a woman’s affairs, rather than fetus versus mother. John Willke was not pleased, calling this the pro-choice side’s “new sales pitch.” In response, he conducted his own focus groups through the Life Issues Institute, a pro-life nonprofit he co-founded. Their research showed that even respondents against abortion viewed pro-lifers as “religious zealots” and “fetus lovers” who lacked compassion for women. This was an image problem that Willke solved with a new marketing phrase: “why not love them both?” The new catchphrase made its way into the title of the next Handbook for Abortion in 1997. Speaking at the University for Life Faculty Conference at Loyola College soon thereafter, Willke embarked on his usual spiel about fetal imagery tactics with a new message this time. “Barbara started with five minutes of telling them how compassionate we are to women…Then we told them how many abortions there were. Then we proved it was a baby.” In that speech, he urged his audience to emphasize compassion toward women, to never use the word “pro-choice,” and to respond to any comment regarding the right to choose with, “Why can’t we love them both?”

John and Barbara were always attentive to messaging, visuals, and their effects on people. They popularized phrases like “unborn human” that continue to make appearances in legal proceedings today. Their publications remain the most widely read pro-life material. In the words of historian Carol A. Stabile, The Willkes “put the fetus on the cultural map.” Their platform relied on images and the continual recontextualizing of language. Meanwhile, they taught others to do the same, leaving the pro-choice movement aghast. While there was the security of Roe v. Wade, there were always attempts to overturn it, especially by GOP leaders in search of clout.

In 1973, as John and Barbara Willke were handing out How to teach the pro-life story, the Gloria Steinem-run feminist publication Ms. Magazine ran an article celebrating Roe v. Wade. The title read “Never Again,” and below it was an image of a woman, bleeding to death after attempting an illegal abortion in a motel. Her name was Gerri Santoro. In the next installment of this series, I will write about the 1970s pro-choice movement and how it influenced editorial decisions at Ms. Magazine. These decisions inspired pro-choice supporters to raise their voices while at the same time, upsetting the family and legacy of the woman whose photograph Ms. publicized. The magazine wanted to respond to the proliferation of fetal imagery and anti-abortion propaganda— why not fight fire with fire, sensational image with sensational image?

Divya Mehra is currently a writer and artist-in-residence at NYU Tisch. She teaches classes on visual symbolism and experimental storytelling. She holds degrees in Art + Technology and Economics and previously worked in strategy consulting.

For more information on John & Barbara Willke’s role in the pro-life movement:

• Holland, Jennifer L. Tiny You: A Western History of the Anti-Abortion Movement. University of California Press, 2020. 
• Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith: A Frontline History of the Abortion Wars. Simon & Schuster, 1998.
• Greenhouse, Linda, and Reva B. Siegel. Before Roe v. Wade: Voices That Shaped the Abortion Debate before the Supreme Court’s Ruling. Kaplan Pub., 2010. 
• Williams, Daniel K. Defenders of the Unborn: The pro-Life Movement before Roe v. Wade. Oxford University Press, 2019.

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The posters—most of which have never been seen in the U.S. before—are being released in editions of 500, and are $250 each. Sample a few below—and then head to Rennert Gallery for the entire collection.

At left: Olga Shtonda. Right: Maksym Polenko.

Alona Shostko

At left: Maksym Polenko. Right: Nikita Titov.

Tanya Yakunova

Sallie Han, an anthropologist who studies reproduction and kinship, presents our modern-day fascination with fetal photography as ocularcentrism: the outsized emphasis our society places on seeing. It’s everywhere. I see what you’re saying. Do you really see me? Did you see those tiny little fingernails? Photographs bind people together by permitting access to the formerly inaccessible, for good or for evil. They permit a sort of voyeurism that can range from space exploration to what your neighbor looked like walking her dog eight years ago. In Susan Sontag’s seminal 1973 essay, Photography, she writes that photographs “help people to take possession of space in which they are insecure.” What could one be more unknowable than the life-sustaining reproduction cycle that grows within the human body? Parents crowd around for evidence of what they have created, proof that a copy is developing. They are decorated in photo albums and displayed for visitors: look, our son’s feet are real! Han argues that because fetal feet are so similar to small human feet, we recognize miniature feet and our visual minds fill out an entire human. This isn’t surprising: Precious Feet pins, inspired by an image of fetal feet in the newspaper, gained popularity as a symbol of the pro-life movement, and have been resurrected in different forms ever since. Still, prior to the 1960s, few would go so far to broadcast images of their sonograph. There was no public fetus. In 1965, Life Magazine changed that.

The magazine featured an enlarged fetus at five months, twice its actual size. It sold 8 million copies in just a few days. Swedish photographer Lennart Nilsson took the photo. He took many. The fetuses he captured were primarily aborted and miscarried and belonged to several sets of parents. They were immediately transferred to a jar of amniotic fluid, deliberately arranged in a studio setup with complimentary lighting and colors, and photographed with macro lenses. Nilsson had taken his very first pictures of embryos in 1953 and shown them to Life editors while on assignment in New York. The editors were excited by his vision for a full color photographic series on development, from fertilization to birth, and true to their word, they published the reproduction story when he returned with the photos 12 years later. Nilsson did not have strong political opinions; it was an artistic investigation, never intended to be an X-ray of life. In a 2019 interview with The Guardian, his stepdaughter Anne Fjellström recalled visiting London with him in the ‘80s, where they saw anti-abortion posters covered in his images. She said he was shocked; he had no idea.

Political protests weren’t the only domain through which Nilsson’s photographs pervaded the public— they made their way to court in Texas when the defense team of Roe v. Wade used the same photos to support their 1971 case. Lawyers presented the visuals, then went on to describe the fetal development process in terms of ears, hands, toes, fingernails, and eyelids, noting that in the third month, “the child’s face becomes much prettier.”  Many followed in splaying Nilsson’s images all over their public lecture slides, newspapers, and billboards, but none more prominently than pro-life activists and lecturers Barbara and John Willke.

The Willkes became crusaders of the image-first approach now associated with the pro-life movement. Barbara called the 1965 Life cover scientific and persuasive, recalling the “tremor in the audience” that would sound as she displayed the accompanying photos in her lectures.  Fetal imagery became a useful political tactic precisely because of its very inaccessibility, ambiguity, and visual resonance. And the Willkes went on to disseminate hundreds of images— enough to fill folders 50 years later.

Divya Mehra is currently a writer and artist-in-residence at NYU Tisch. She teaches classes on visual symbolism and experimental storytelling. She holds degrees in Art + Technology and Economics and previously worked in strategy consulting.

H

For more info:

Sasson, Vanessa R., and Jane Marie Law. Imagining the Fetus: The Unborn in Myth, Religion, and Culture. Oxford University Press, 2009. 

Sontag, Susan. On Photography. New York, Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 1977.Gorney, Cynthia. Articles of Faith: A Frontline History of the Abortion Wars. Simon & Schuster, 1998.

Artwork by the author.

The internal disturbance in Russia was bad enough. As my co-curator of the exhibition, Misha Beletsky, said at the time: “The current regime is openly disdainful of its constituents, and while it generally does not threaten their lives, it does assault their human dignity and their basic freedoms. Our hope is to help lend a well-pitched voice to the outcry.”

The original protest posters featured in the show were created in support of the popular Russian movement for democracy that emerged at the third-term election of Vladimir Putin. Participating artists included R. O. Blechman, The Bukheyevs (S. Bulkin & E. Mikheyeva), Savas Cekic, Cybersect, Maxim Derevyankin, Eugeny Dobrovinsky, Lex Drewinski, Stasys Eidrigevicius, Alexander Faldin, Kevin Finn, Emily Firebaugh, Robert Grossman, Hilppa Hyrkäs, Allison Hefely, Viktor Koen, Boris Kulikov, Yossi Lemel, Alain Le Quernec, Uwe Loesch, Alexandria Lopresti, Alexey Lysogorov, Ilya Pereverzentsev, Kari Piippo, Woody Pirtle, Joe Scorsone and Alice Drueding, Eugeniusz Skorwider, Lanny Sommese, Alexander Umyarov, Kevin Vander Griend and Dimon Zakharov.

Much in the world has changed since 2012, but the nefarious ambitions of Vladimir Putin have remained consistent—consistently outrageous, dangerous and fatal.

Jeff Bezos is exemplary of the new American oligarch. He conceived a system that streamlined consumption and met the needs of his consumers by using production and transportation technologies to make a global marketplace dependent on his invention. But the luxury of sit-at-home purchasing has its price. The Morlocks who work in the windowless warehouses, sorting and packing goods, have been exploited in the push to increase Amazon’s lust for market share.

The result is dissatisfaction, inequity and unfair labor practices. Unionization has returned as an alternative to bad industrial behavior and Amazon has been in the vanguard. To show solidarity, the political illustrator Josh Gosfield, in collaboration with The Nation magazine, has produced “Solidarity Forever,” a 500-piece jigsaw puzzle designed to show support for the Amazon Labor Union while raising awareness among the public. Toys and games have long enjoyed a historic place in the legacy of propaganda. I asked Gosfield how this particular entry will help the cause.

What is the genesis of this puzzle?
The Nation had the idea to create this 500-piece jigsaw puzzle inspired by the heroic struggles of the Amazon Labor Union. And even better, to donate 10% of proceeds to support the ALU. 

When art director Robert Best at The Nation asked me to do the puzzle, I was “Hell, yeah!” because there’s nothing better than combining politics and art, nothing better than creating an image that might influence events in a positive way.

I had no idea The Nation did puzzles, games or products of any kind. Is it satire or for real (or both)?
The puzzle titled “Solidarity Forever” is straight-up activist art, art that is meant to sway peoples’ opinions—in this case, to showcase the heroic struggle of Amazon workers to organize, unionize and fight for their rights. 

What are the issues that you are raising?
When I thought about how to illustrate the struggle of the Amazon workers I immediately saw the connection between Amazon and ancient Egyptian art. Jeff Bezos is a filthy-rich, self-indulgent Pharaoh seated on a golden throne, cradling his precious rocket ship. The Amazon workers are industrious, but instead of treating them as soulless drones I depicted each worker as proudly individualistic, yet united in a collective struggle for their rights, rising up and toppling over the Pharaoh Bezos.

And what are the Easter eggs inside the puzzle?
Plenty of Easter eggs: An Egyptian-type dog carrying a package. A quote from the great TV show “The Prisoner”: “I am not a number.” Warehouse workers carrying scanners as revolutionaries might carry guns. Pairing Pharaoh Bezos with the Egyptian symbol of the snake, a throne of Amazon logos, piles of hundred dollar bills, and his phallic Blue Origin rocket ship.

Any tales of joy or woe in the making or production of the puzzle?
Two things. I’ve walked around a bit to meet Amazon workers and show them the puzzle and take pictures of them with the puzzle, and it’s really been cool how approachable and talkative they are and also how appreciative they are about the art. 

A funny thing happened to me on the way to making this piece of political art. My artistic goal was to humanize the Amazon workers and to heroize their work. And having put a lot of work into depicting the workers as both individuals and as noble workers, I came to see the flesh-and-blood Amazon workers out in the street in a new way. I came to view them less as generic package deliverers and more as noble workers serving a greater good.

You and your colleague been working together on the nonpartisan Creative Campus Voting Project. Please tell me how it evolved.
We started thinking about this topic in 2017 as we approached the midterms. The participation rate on campus in the previous midterm election was low—which was surprising given our perception of student interest.

There seemed to be a gap between intent (registration rates) and action (voting rates) and we were curious to see if art and design could help. In fall 2018, we co-taught a class, but quickly discovered that the complexity of the creative challenge was a rich topic suited for ongoing research. 

We are passionate about helping students develop the desire and confidence to participate in our democracy and are convinced that art and design are uniquely situated to do this work. In 2020, we developed three projects. The first two, a digital party package and weekly micro-newsletter, were fun, nonpartisan tools to demystify the voting process for students. The third, and most impactful, was U-M’s first campus voting hub in our centrally located art museum. Over six weeks, 5,412 voters registered and 8,501 ballots were collected.

Our 2022 work builds on that success. We have designed and produced two campus election hubs, one of which includes an immersive “Ballot Wayfinder” installation, and recruited and trained a cohort of peer mentors, called the UMich Votes Fellows. 

One of the exciting things about Michigan is that our state election laws now allow for no-excuse absentee voting, starting 40 days before an election. Local city clerks who staff these on-campus voting hubs make it possible for students to register, request their absentee ballot and vote, all in one stop—well before Nov. 8.

Has your project gone into the world outside of academia, to the masters of the voting system?
Since 2020, we’ve been working in close partnership with local government to make these sites possible. Administering elections in a college town can be challenging given the tendency of students to procrastinate. So engaging in the collaboration to educate students and encourage earlier participation benefits our City Clerk, Jackie Beaudry, as well. We have all learned so much from the partnership! She took a leap of faith to work with us in this highly unconventional way and it has helped all of us to reimagine civic participation.

What have you discovered about voting irregularities, and how you can repair the system, if at all?
It’s interesting to realize that even where the system is “working,” the voting process is full of decision points and potential confusion. Just think of the new student voter and many questions they need to think through: Do I vote with my permanent or school address? (By law, students can choose either location.) How should I register? Online? By mail? In person? Should I vote in person or absentee? And, of course, the rules and deadlines are different in every state! Keep in mind, this is before a student even gets to all the decisions to be made on the ballot!

What has been your research goal and investigative methodology?
Our research goal is to explore how art and design can make the student voting experience clear, calm and welcoming, and delightful. 

All of our work is guided by the question: How can we design an experience for students that gives them a sense of accomplishment and confidence in their ability to navigate the process? There is compelling evidence in the literature that a positive voting experience at a young age leads to a lifetime of civic participation and the development of an identity as a voter.

The work started with reading the literature on campus voters in both political science and behavioral science. Those frameworks created a starting point for our work. From there, our ability to develop and prototype ideas with students and student research assistants has given us invaluable insights and direction as we iterate. 

Did you find among your students optimism or skepticism in the process?
There’s always a mix of attitudes, but overall we find that students want to participate. We had a 78% voting rate on our campus in 2020. More than optimism vs. skepticism, what we hear from our students is about their anxiety. Students see voting as an adult rite of passage that they are eager to complete but repeatedly describe the fear they feel about “doing it wrong.” To them, the ballot can feel like a standardized test.

Have you heard positive, negative or mixed responses?
So far so good! We’re hearing that students appreciate a welcoming, calm, clear space where their questions can be answered directly.

“Dictatorship naturally arises out of democracy, and the most aggravated form of tyranny and slavery out of the most extreme liberty.” Plato, I recall, was not a fan of democracy. To that extent, one could argue, Plato’s Republic—his paean to his mentor, Socrates—was an argument against democracy as the best form of government. Referring, of course, to ancient Athens, he believed equality brings “power-seeking individuals who are motivated by personal gain. They can be highly corruptible, which eventually leads to tyranny.”

OK, he’s Plato, after all, so he’s got more historical cred than most MAGA members of Congress (and Ginni Thomas) who support insurrection. But as Winston Churchill once said (having been voted out of office as PM after winning WW2): “Democracy is the worst form of government, except all those others that have been tried.” He gave no hint of dismantling the system, either.

We do not have to be branded as “woke” to accept that the democratic system is encumbered with flaws, especially in the U.S. But these need not be fatal flaws.

On Dec. 29, 1940, less than a year before going to war against the Axis, FDR explained that the United States must be “the great arsenal of democracy” in the struggle against global tyranny and dictatorship. Yet numerous times here at home, participatory democracy has been violently and legislatively attacked from the demigods, autocrats and oligarchs within. Like a political Whac-A-Mole, they have been only temporarily pounded back into the holes they came from (yet put a quarter in the slot, and they’re back).

Their hijack attempts are enabled by the very rights that democracy guarantees us, so those guarantees must be guarded with those rights, too.

Three years before entering WW2, in February 1939, The Survey Graphic, a monthly magazine concerned with social and economic issues, industrial relations, health, education, international relations, housing, race relations, consumer education, and related fields, published an issue devoted to the threat to democracy from abroad and its inspiration to tyrannical sympathizers within. It is an old song.

Just read the table of contents below. A majority of the articles and graphics pertain to a specific time, however, their themes have not changed. In Part I alone the articles continue to have relevance. Learning from the past requires strong and continually exercised muscle memory. Flabby muscles call for daily workouts in order to resist the corrosive weakening that comes from too many reps of media, internet and bloviating pundits.

The Survey Graphic is proof that while the years have passed by (all too quickly), the times have not always been a-changing for the best. Vote on Nov. 8, OK?

In Zagreb, Croatia, the “Students for Tolerance” poster exhibition opened last week on the Republic of Croatia Square, directly in front of the School of Applied Arts and Design and the Museum of Arts and Crafts. The posters show a variety of responses from four historically hostile neighboring nations to the unifying theme of tolerance. Not long after they were put on display in Zagreb, they were vandalized.

As reported on the Croat news site IndexHR: “This morning, a citizen reported to the police that one of the posters from the exhibition offended him. … A little later, a group of men scribbled ‘LGBT’ on the poster with a felt-tip pen and … then wrapped [the poster] in a white shroud so passersby could not see it.”

The poster that caused the ruckus has the headline “Disgusting, but I tolerate it,” and the text: “Every Sunday a veteran, a conservative, a liberal, a gay and an atheist sit down at the table and tolerate each other.” The photo shows a family having a meal together; the image is blurred but a cross is visible on the wall.

Although the student designer’s use of the word “disgusting” is arguably a questionable choice, the message is meant to be ironic in tone and acerbically targets overt and covert beliefs. The Zagreb news site explains: “We may have different beliefs, we may not agree on opinions and actions, but within the community, in this case the family, we support and tolerate each other regardless of all our differences and disagreements. And perhaps within such a community is exactly the first lesson we learn about tolerance. To love each other. This poster talks about that love and it is sad that this kind of student work serves to promote hate speech.”

This series of posters has been exhibited without damage or incident in Graz, Austria, at the Design Monat festival; in Berlin, during the Berlin Design Week; and in Ljubljana, Slovena.

In Zagreb, although organizers removed the white cloth cover, by late afternoon the poster was vandalized for a second time.

Meanwhile, in the center of Zagreb, a blitz of homophobic and xenophobic posters with the coat of arms of Zagreb and the inscription “Zagreb for equality” were pasted on lampposts and bus shelters. The poster at right reads: “Support the LGBTQ+ community—children have the right to love adults!” The poster at left reads: “Let’s accept migrants together—welcome new Croats.” It depicts a crossed-out photo of white, blonde (Nazi-era) well-behaved girls and two other contrasting photos, one showing riots involving Black people and the other protests in Asia. In the background is the 1892 painting Antemurale Christianitatis (Antecedents of Christianity) by Ferdinand von Quiquerez-Beaujeu. It is an allegorical depiction of Croatia as the defender of Christian Europe.

The Zagreb city seal at the bottom of the work is a failed attempt to suggest these are official posters. The City of Zagreb began removing them immediately. Nonetheless, the virus spreads.

There is no central clearing house for government design (and it is debatable that there should be). But the 1930s marked a period of solid federal design initiatives, from architecture to graphics, and particularly logos and marks.

As costly as it was in human tolls, World War II inspired an exemplary number of strong branding programs for the alphabet soup of government, military and paramilitary agencies. One such for Civil Defense (CD)—created by Charles T. Coiner, design director of the Philadelphia advertising agency N.W. Ayer & Son—will forever have a place in design history.

Over a career spanning 46 years (with 40 of them spent at Ayer as head of the art department), Coiner altered the field of advertising through the use of fine art. When illustration was merely a second fiddle to ad copy and slogans, Coiner commissioned modern artists—including Pablo Picasso, Ben Shahn, Edward Steichen and Miguel Covarrubias—to work on campaigns of all kinds. Coiner never lost sight of the real purpose of great artwork in his advertisements: “We were not trying to elevate art. We were trying to get readership and attention and give character to our clients’ advertising,” he said.

But it was as the designer/art director of war posters, Civil Defense logos and the Blue Eagle symbol of the National Recovery Administration under President Franklin D. Roosevelt that Coiner’s influence was incomparable.

Commissioned in 1933, Coiner’s Blue Eagle design and red and blue type, which he sketched out on a flight to Washington D.C., was displayed by businesses all across the United States. And as its much-publicized creator, Coiner became something of a household name.

A significant portion of Coiner’s time was devoted to patriotic pro-bono work. In addition to the Blue Eagle, he designed marks for the Civilian Conservation Corps (CCC) and created other programmatic logos. As wartime design consultant to the Office of Emergency Management, he volunteered one day per week and most weekends in Washington D.C., where he designed the various emblems used by the U.S. Citizens Defense Corps for preparedness in the event of enemy attack. His red, white and blue color palette was brilliantly applied so as not to render the work as untenably cliche, while remaining true to patriotic brand. He was a master of simplification, using sign-symbols (influenced by ISOTYPE) and bold gothic type to exude a sense of authority, determination and pride.

Coiner’s National Recovery Administration and Civil Defense work (aside from his much more award-winning commercial campaigns), seen individually and as a whole, is the most exemplary national identity design of the post-Depression and wartime eras. There was a lot to be done with blue, red and white and a few stripes besides. So, it’s worth recalling his contribution from time to time, and his deserving place of honor in the “wartime-Modern” graphic design pantheon.

During the late 1950s and throughout the 1960s, TV screens and national magazines were filled with visual indictments of American racism and evidence of routine human rights abuses. It was an epoch following the sacrifices by Americans made during World War II when the virulence of Jim Crow laws (and crimes) in the South and inequality in the North were at fever pitch. Civil Rights was the first mass uprising for social justice in the Postwar period. It predated the Vietnam peace movement and blended into its protests. For Southerners under the yoke of Jim Crow and Northerners disgusted by racist impunity, common cause made civil disobedience into a national mission, and freedom into a human goal. Many lives were lost for the cause.

Yet as the hard-won victories of that era are now being vociferously challenged in this age of the Black Lives Matter, it is essential for us to keep the earlier Civil Rights Movement at the forefront of our collective memory.

Making the Movement: Civil Rights Museum is an ongoing exhibit that explores how nonviolent weapons were used to combat Jim Crow. Founder and curator David L. Crane is a history instructor at Alamance Community College in North Carolina. He is also the author of Making the Movement: How Activists Fought for Civil Rights with Buttons, Flyers, Pins and Posters (Princeton Architectural Press, September), with an essay by Silas Munro.

This is not a “design” book, although graphic methods are used to communicate messages—but it is a history seen through the lens of these artifacts. I asked Mr. Crane to discuss the significance of his forthcoming volume.

The fight for Civil Rights has been a long and difficult journey. What triggered your preservation of this ephemeral iconography?
I began collecting artifacts from the Civil Rights Movement while in graduate school in 2006. My first one (which I discuss briefly in the introduction) was an NAACP member pin from 1954. I bought it off eBay for less than $20. When it arrived, I realized in that instant what drew me to it. Here was something tangible from that pivotal year in the Movement, and the more I thought about it, I realized that it was not a representation of that era, but a tool that activists used to achieve their goals. You can draw a straight line from the funds generated by the sale of that button to the NAACP Legal Defense Fund and Thurgood Marshall’s legal team, which successfully argued against school segregation in Brown v. Board of Education that same year. Making the Movement: Civil Rights Museum debuted at the Robert H. Jackson Center in New York in 2013.

The book is quite clear from its subtitle what the focus is. In making this into an exhibition and book, what is your goal? And message?
My goal for the exhibition is to preserve the material culture of the Civil Rights Movement. These objects were not souvenirs. They were the nonviolent weapons that fought Jim Crow. They are significant political, social and cultural artifacts from the most important movement in American history, and they need to be preserved and recognized for that contribution. 

My goal for the book is to add material culture to the canon of the history of the Civil Rights Movement. I don’t want this to be the “definitive” work on the subject. It is the first work of its kind, but I want others to recognize that this is a vastly understudied aspect of the movement and deserves further inquiry. My message is that material culture has always been, is now, and therefore will always be a part of the Civil Rights Movement. I see the book and exhibition as a guide for current and future activists. This strategy has worked, and can be a successful part of the movement today and into the future.

It appears from the illustrations in the book that buttons and badges were the primary medium. And with the notable exception of the War Bonds poster (which I believe is one of a series including other segregated branches of the service), much of the material was done on a tight budget. Is this true?
Most of the objects produced were pinbacks, buttons and badges, because they could be worn and easily displayed. People “stood behind” their beliefs, and they could be more readily displayed on one’s person than a sign or poster. There is something powerful about a physical object in a space, especially a public place. They were badges of honor, but could also make one a target for white supremacist violence. There were, however, many other kinds of objects produced, like pamphlets, stamps, hats, shirts, fans, flyers; the list really goes on.

As far as budgets were concerned, it often depended on the organization that produced them. I spoke with the late Dr. Julian Bond about the NAACP member pinbacks because he was a chairman emeritus, and he said, “we gave them away.” But as soon as he said it, he corrected himself and said, “No, no, no. We sold them, we used that money.” There were countless other organizations that had a much smaller budget that produced far fewer objects, but my point is they all did it. 

I recall the “=” button as being from the Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee. At least, when I was a kid I wore one and my school was Andrew Goodman’s school (of Chaney, Goodman and Schwerner infamy). That symbol was also used for the Urban League anti-poverty campaign, I believe. Was “equality” presented by other signs and symbols?
That is really interesting. I’d be curious to know whether other students at your school wore buttons and were engaged with the Movement. Was it widespread or limited to a few?

Walden School nurtured classic liberalism and social justice mostly, but a few heartfelt revolutionaries slid through. It was part of the aura of a “progressive school.”
The small black pinback with the white “=” was produced by SNCC, but you’re right that the Urban League used that symbol, as well, but I believe they used different colors. One could argue that the message of equality is present in all of the objects, but there were many more produced that used the word and symbol. For example, page 169 shows a button that reads “Equal Rights Now”; on page 151 there are three pinbacks with that language, “Democrats for Equality,” “Now = Kennedy” and “Vote = Equal Rights”; page 122 references the Equal Opportunity Employment Commission. 

I presume it was not as dangerous to wear or distribute these “weapons” for Civil Rights in the North. But how were they seen in the South?
I think there is a misconception that “it wasn’t as bad in the North,” but that’s not really accurate. There was racial discrimination in hiring practices, segregation of schools, businesses and neighborhoods, acts of violence by police and citizens, as well as widespread racist beliefs by “Northerners.” It was very dangerous to wear and display these items almost anywhere in the country. It made them a target for ridicule, discrimination and violence. 

For every pro-Civil Rights object I find, there are 100+ anti. It is important to remember that the Civil Rights Movement was not popular among most Americans. If these were weapons, what were they fighting against? Those beliefs were far more widespread than those of equality under the law, including in the North.

Had there been wider media available to activists in those late ’50s early ’60s, do you think that the movement would have benefited or not?
As a historian, it is heresy to say “what would have happened,” but I understand what you’re asking. In many ways, these objects were the media. Wearing and displaying them helped spread the word, recruit new members and raise funds, but when there was traditional media coverage (as it is now) cameras captured these objects. 

I am often asked if physical objects have a place in a “digital world,” but think about all the coverage of the Black Lives Matter protests. It was a sea of signs, banners, posters, buttons, masks and T-shirts that served the same purpose now as they did in the 1950s and 1960s.

In some ways they were the social media of the time, but they were much more. It takes more courage to do this in public than it does to post something online, often anonymously, and it has a more profound impact on those that witness it. 

Do you know if there was a coordinated effort to unify a graphic identity during the Civil Rights Movement?
I don’t believe there was a coordinated effort to create objects with a similar “look,” but the design of the objects reflected their times. Those created in the 19th century look similar, just as those from the 1920s, ’30s, ’40s, ’50s, ’60s and ’70s. They were a reflection of the design aesthetic of the time, but also helped to define it. Material culture did, however, serve to create a sense of belonging to a shared “Civil Rights Movement” and one’s identity as a participant in that national struggle. 

What single word on a sign, placard or button most represented the power or strength of the movement?
There are so many I could point to, such as the iconic button (page 113) for the March on Washington made famous by Rev. Dr. Martin Luther King as he gave his “I have a dream” speech; or those with a popular phrase like “We Shall Overcome” (page 166); but the one that stands out for me is the pinback on page 59 that reads “Finish the Fight NAACP 1946.” During and after WWII, civil rights organizations, such as the NAACP, sought to link their fight for equality at home with the fight against fascists abroad. We defeated a white supremacist anti-democratic regime in Germany, so let’s “finish the fight” against Jim Crow at home. It is so important I titled chapter 2 “Finish the Fight” because it encapsulates the significance of material culture to the goals of those in the movement at that time. 

What was your curatorial cut-off for this material? Why not the more graphic elements of the Black Panthers or the Peace and Freedom party?
Although there are a few objects in the book that are not in the museum’s collection, 98% of the objects featured in the book are photos of the actual objects from the “Making the Movement: Civil Rights Museum” collection. They are not stock photos found from other sources. It was one of the biggest challenges in writing the book. If I don’t have the objects, it becomes very difficult to discuss them. My goal was not to curate away any “graphic” or controversial imagery, quite the opposite. Rather, I want to show that regardless of the goals or tactics of an organization, material culture was an important part of that strategy. The origins of the Black Panther Party’s most iconic image, the black panther, is discussed on pages 168–173. 

I recall some interesting, graphically striking album designs representing civil rights. Did you come across these in your research?
There are a few albums in the museum’s collection, but only one album cover made it into the book (page 101). The impact of music on the Movement has been studied and brilliantly written about in other works, so I did not want to muddy those waters. I decided to use the “Freedom In the Air” album from the sit-ins in Albany, GA, because of the use of that phrase and its association with the Freedom Singers. Freedom Singer Dr. Bernice Reagon told me that they often adapted gospel songs with new lyrics to convey the message of the movement. One of those songs goes, “Over my head, I see music in the air,” which is a reference to angels or heaven, but she sang, “Over my head, I see FREEDOM in the air.” I had the pleasure of hearing her sing it at a civil rights conference at Syracuse University in 2014, when “Making the Movement” was on display at the Community Folk Art Center. It brought the house down. (Here is a link to a recording.)

Labor Day is right around the corner and a critical election is on the way. The 2022 midterm votes are essential to preserving democracy, and the campaigners are poised to run the last propaganda lap. So, this is the last chance for printers to unite for the good of all. Use it or lose it. Remember that every impression makes a statement.

I asked Evans to tell us about the origins of her press and her contribution to the political conversation.

Leslie, tell me about your private press. When did it launch, and why?
I have always loved to draw, a preoccupation/obsession that led me to Rhode Island School of Design for college. I majored in printmaking, although the medium I eventually favored, relief printmaking, wasn’t an official part of the program at that time. I did take an elective typography course where I was introduced to letterpress printing on the Vandercook proof press, used mainly for proofing type and paste-up. On my own initiative I also printed woodcuts and film society posters on the press. After graduation I was pleased to find employment as a designer and printer of silkscreen posters advertising concerts, films and theater presentations at the Hopkins Center at Dartmouth College. That was a fantastic experience, and it also afforded me the opportunity, after I left the job, to study with Ray Nash at his Summer Book Arts workshop at his farm in Vermont (the very type of course I would have loved to take at RISD). The monthlong workshop combined lessons in the history of the book from Nash’s extensive library in the mornings, as well as hands-on printing in the barn press room in the afternoons. It was an experience that clinched my decision to one day have my own letterpress studio.

How did you start, and with which typefaces and presses?
I began my letterpress equipment search in earnest after being laid off as an art director in a Boston design studio during the recession in the early ’80s. I was lucky to be looking for equipment when many letterpress shops were closing, so everything was affordable. My Vandercook was previously used for proofing in a Linotype shop and a steal at $350. (They run $10,000+ today.) My main press is a Vandercook 4 proof press. The largest-sized poster I can print on the press is 13″ x 19″. I recently acquired a Poco 2 press so that I can print larger posters, 18″ x 25″. However, it does require hand-inking. I would love to have a self-inking larger Vandercook, but can’t fit one in my current space. I do also have several small proofing presses, including an Adana quarto.

My house typeface is Bembo. I have an eclectic variety of metal and wood types, ornaments and cuts. I had not expected to expand my wood type collection much, as wood type has become very expensive. But I recently luckily happened upon a reasonably priced collection of wood type that I am looking forward to incorporating into my posters. I had been frustrated in the past at not having a large enough press to fully utilize the large wood type fonts, but short, to-the-point political messages are an excellent use for them.

Where does the name Sea Dog Press derive from?
I finally came upon a name for the press when I got my first Labrador mix in 1991, Morgan Ddu, which is “Black Morgan” in Welsh. Her nickname, Morgi, literally means “seadog” in Welsh, but is actually the name for a dogfish in Wales. I developed a Labrador Alphabet based on her many poses.

At what point did you begin doing political messaging?
My first political printing was a bumper sticker/poster for the 2008 Obama campaign. The 2020 poster project was a cathartic and very enjoyable experience for me where I felt I was at least doing something to affect change, small as it may be. As you say in your blog, having the press and type, I might as well make good use of it. I offer my prints, posters and cards on my website Square shop, Etsy shop and at various fairs I attend. Part of the proceeds from the sales go to targeted political campaigns. To broaden the reach of the 2020 posters I decided to have them reproduced as postcards. They sold fairly well.

I did get some negative feedback from the Biden/Harris postcard from a person in Arkansas, who thought I had sent him the card (because my press name was on the back). It was part of a 1,500 postcard campaign from a local Arkansas Democratic committee. He told me he had burned the card, and after a brief back and forth I let him know that we could agree to disagree on the subject, and I never heard from him again. When printing out-of-state posters I usually leave my press name and city off, as I expect Southerners, Texans and Westerners don’t want to be lectured by an “East Coast liberal” (although I was born in Pittsburgh, and grew up in Michigan).

Aesthetically speaking, do you maintain a personal style?
I don’t think of myself having a particular style. I do like to make various typefaces work in a pleasing, legible puzzle of shapes and images. So many letterpress posters are just simple, straightforward block letters, which can be effective, but I just like playing around with the type more. I do appreciate when people understand the work that goes into arranging and printing the posters (usually other printers or graphic designers).

You’ve started on the 2022 election. Are you revving up for 2024?
I have done one poster for the upcoming midterm elections, Keep Congress Blue, and plan to print more in the upcoming weeks—mainly with the emphasis of just getting people out to vote, like what I tried to get across with my “not voting” posters previously.

ART FOR CHANGE commissioned three pieces from Khosravi, Koh, and Ellis, and will donate a portion of the proceeds from these works to PPGNY in support of their ongoing fight for reproductive justice. This model is the basis of ART FOR CHANGE’s greater mission. They connect socially conscious art collectors with in-demand contemporary artists, and then donate a portion of every purchase to relevant nonprofits, while the artist receives 50% of the net proceeds from each sale.

“The consequences of abortion bans fall largely on people who already face the greatest barriers to health care due to this country’s legacy of racism and discrimination, including Black, Latinx, and Indigenous communities, people with low incomes, LGBTQ+ people, immigrants, and people living in rural areas,” the ART FOR CHANGE team said in a statement. “As developments of this case continue to evolve, ART FOR CHANGE will always stand with those who advocate, provide resources, and support all affected.”

The first print from the project will be released by ART FOR CHANGE August 15, followed by the second on August 17, and the third on August 19.

Now is the moment to praise those efforts but continue the campaigns that, like so many delayed planes at American airports, are waiting to take flight. There are still many issues and grievances to give voice to with every means at designers’ disposal.

Portland Stamp Company has been praised in this column on a few occasions for utilizing a simple graphic platform to express advocacy and concern. Josh Berger, one of the company’s principals, recently reported that they’d been talking with illustrator and activist Sarah Epperson about an artist series collaboration. But, “following the mass shootings in Uvalde and Buffalo, she created a piece about stopping gun violence, so we suggested we turn it into a stamp sheet” benefitting Community Justice Action Fund.

With the midterms coming up, The Portland Stamp Company also has two sheets that encourage voting, with all proceeds benefiting the ACLU. One is a collaboration with illustrator Michael Wertz. Alongside Lea Redmond, Wertz’s “The Vote” stamps are originally from a project called Postage Stamp Protest.

The other sheet is an adaptation of a PSA that The Portland Stamp Co. originally made for the 2018 midterms with the photographer Sumaya Agha in collaboration with Plazm magazine.

All in all, Fall 2022 is an extra hot season for democracy and the threats posed against it. The Portland’s efforts are just one way to exercise our inalienable rights. We at PRINT hope to bring more grassroots design actions to light over the coming months. Let us know what you’re doing.

We are in for a contentious Fall, especially with elections and a possible Department of Justice inquiry into former president Trump’s criminal activities on Jan. 6. But one thing is certain: The propaganda wars will swing into full gear by Labor Day, if they haven’t already. Yes, all sides attack and counter-attack—but some practitioners are bigger liars than others (if you get my meaning, Marjorie Taylor Greene).

Propaganda is neither art nor science but it is a dubious skill that is practiced with cunning efficiency under the overall rubrics of public relations, mass opinion and mind control. The mass control is a modern concept wherein popular consent is manipulated through orchestrated big lies, petty rumor and innuendo, which go viral at such accelerated speed that big ideas (and big lies) turn into human behavior, and from behavior into activism, and from activism into action (coming out the other end as truthiness). It happens in every discernible segment of life, from the religious (where the original sin of propaganda began in the 15th century with Pope Gregory) to politics and commerce—from visceral to fanciful.

We’re in for a major blitz of distorted media, from mainstream to lamestream, from diabolical to ignorant. Propaganda is a spreading disease. Protective and curative vaccines always lose potency as new variants of manipulation emerge. So the canny consumer of propaganda (and we are all consumers, whether we believe it or not) must be skeptical; always vigilant, always! We are the prime targets, and no kind of mask—not even N95s, plastic shields or armor plates—will keep it at bay.

Resist! This summer read the three books featured above by Edward Bernays and Gustav Lebon. Each is a guide through the practice by those who’ve mastered the mass deceit.

As George Orwell wrote, “All art is propaganda.” If you keep that simple truism in mind, and if you learn to discern the signs and distinguish the venal from benign, you might have a reasonably tolerable election season.

And, just as a precaution, don’t trust (male) politicians who dye their hair (Giuliani, I’m talking to you and your bud).

In 2014, the Spanish government tried to bring in a ban on abortions, pushing laws back to the times of Franco’s fascist dictatorship. Huge mobilizations sprung up all over the country, alongside countless displays of solidarity all over the globe.

Some in Spain saw these new laws as a strategy to gain conservative votes. Others saw them as a mechanism to distract attention from massive budget cuts in public healthcare and education that the right had been perpetuating for decades.

García O’Dowd saw them as reason for creating a massive tableaux, the sum of many parts, designed to map the fear of losing reproductive freedom.

As García O’Dowd explains, “I teamed up with fellow artist Tonina Matamalas, and together we decided to deploy our drawing skills to the cause. In what became a two-year-long journey, we gathered stories from women, doctors, activists and intellectuals. The archaic bill was withdrawn midway through our work, when the politician who was pushing it resigned. But by that point in our research, we knew that what had happened in Spain represented only the surface of a much deeper problem rooted in our society, and that it needs to be fought with education, exchange and dialogue.”

The stories the artists gathered became huge mindmaps “that we transformed into drawings, which now exist as a single, huge illustration”—a 12-foot-high mobile mural—that merges art and activism, serving as an educational tool that offers a broad perspective and many points of access for engagement. “Our aim was to escape the reductive narratives of tweet wars and instagram clickbait, and provide a holistic approach to civic discourse: to foster constructive human interaction.”

Owing to the detailed enormity of the entire piece, it has been reproduced here in five parts:

The same rights they fought for in Spain in 2014 are now being stripped away in the U.S., and unfortunately Project Uter, its message and its capacity for public engagement is once again not only relevant, but critical.

“Storytellers have presented our giant, fabric portable mural more than 200 times across 15 countries, in schools, colleges, museums, libraries, community centers, art festivals, street fairs and more,” Garcia O’Dowd explains. “Our workshops guide audiences as they explore every concentrated inch of the image, illuminating the meaning and intention behind every line and symbol.

“Each of our events is shaped by our attendees: Everybody has a story. Project Uter offers a way for communities to deal with the complexity of those stories; as observers of art we are able to witness others, to see ourselves reflected and to imagine how things might look from another’s perspective. At this crucial time in history where these kinds of dialogues are more divided yet more necessary than ever, Project Uter has landed in the U.S. We’re ready to show, tell, witness and listen—are you?”

Click here to bring Project Uter to your event or organization.

That was yesterday, today is today, and tomorrow is tomorrow. There will never be enough said. Yell loudly and often! Keep those words and images of protest in the public’s conscience. Protest may not be an immediate solution, but it is a voice. So while we still have it, let’s use it. (Just look how effective the opposition has waged war.)

This is the current crop of graphic protests from Adrian Wilson. Let’s see yours, too.

His biography reads as a testament to the First Amendment on one hand, and a continuum of political commentary on the other. In the late 1980s, he founded Artists for a Better Image (ArtFBI) to study stereotypes of contemporary artists. Many other personal yet public-facing initiatives followed. His interest in the social ramifications of the World Wide Web took him to join the Smithsonian American Art Museum, where he was lead producer of New Media Initiatives for 22 years before retiring in 2018.

Gates continues to use “new” media (indeed, all media) to speak truth to power (or at least find a balance between the good, bad and ugly in contemporary politics). He recently finished his “Republican Faces Series,” which gave me the excuse to learn a bit more about his motivations.

What have you got against these people to be so graphically vicious?
Vicious is such a strong word with a narrow connotation. Yes, I’m angry at those who manipulate our cultural zeitgeist for their own aspirations. And these six, in various ways, clearly do that. To govern effectively, we need people who listen to each other, especially those from different parts of the political spectrum. The representatives pictured here aren’t interested in that. The Republican Party isn’t interested, either. In January 2022, when Mitch McConnell was asked what the GOP plan would be if they regained control of Congress, he said, “That is a very good question, and I’ll let you know when we take it back.” Who would invest in any company that refused to reveal its plans and stand behind them? Their prime interest is power and control. This is the hubris of the Republican Party.

Graphically, each image comes from a public photograph. I will often alter their faces just enough to emphasize the emotions and attitudes that they’re already conveying. If we’re going to use the word “vicious,” it’s these people’s rhetoric and actions that are vicious. As a visual critic, I’m just pointing it out.

So, who are your betes noir?
Matt Gaetz, Marjorie Taylor Greene, Madison Cawthorn, Lauren Boebert and Paul Gosar deserve to be taken to task for their lack of civility, their unwillingness to compromise for the betterment of Americans’ lives, their lies, their belief in conspiracy theories, and their desire to disrupt our institutions instead of helping their constituents. As the leader of House Republicans, Kevin McCarthy is ultimately responsible for their behavior. The purpose of our government is to solve problems we must address if we are to survive and flourish. It’s not a place for personal vendettas or manufactured cultural wedge issues.

You seem to be following in the footsteps of John Heartfield, who made acerbic anti-Nazi montages. Who or what inspires your work?
My earlier images were remixes of 20th-century propaganda posters. And I’ve always been an ardent observer of advertising. I’m interested in how to “sell” an idea. Both forms use images and text in very economical ways, which increase their impact.

You once cited even deeper philosophical inspirations …
Western and Eastern philosophies show us two different ways we deal with power and anger. Think of the West’s boxing versus the East’s martial arts. In boxing, it’s who hits hardest and longest: direct power against power. In martial arts, one uses their opponent’s energy against them—taking the oncoming force and redirecting it. I’m more of a martial arts guy in my interactions with others. I grew up in a house where whoever yelled the loudest won. Later in my life, I learned to disable my father’s way of working by redirecting his anger. It was fascinating and compelling.

But in my work as a visual political critic, I have no direct dialogue or real-world relationship with the people in these images. And to be honest, if I found myself face-to-face with any of them, I’m not sure what I would or could say to make them change their minds. (I once encountered John Ashcroft, Attorney General under George W. Bush, as I walked to a meeting in DC. He was so close, I could touch him. I knew what I wanted to say.) I understand the limits of my power. These images are what I can tell them. I’m redirecting their power to give voice to my opinion.

Georg Grosz, among other banned graphic commentators of old, was brought to trial for his “sacrilegious” work. Do you foresee a day when these images might be considered libelous?
In the litigious world we live in, people claiming libel often use it to silence others. So, to answer your question, of course it’s possible. Is it probable? I doubt it. First, this is a commentary about government officials. The First Amendment protects my right to comment on their behavior unless I am inciting violence, which I’m not. Pictures of Matt Gaetz et al. are not images of Mohammed. There are no religious or social edicts against visually depicting Congresspeople.

To be libelous means to defame. Merriam-Webster defines defamation as “communicating false statements about a person that injure that person’s reputation.” There is nothing false about these images (or the essay I’ve written which accompanies them, in which I either quote them or describe behavior that has already been documented). Any defamation of their character is self-inflicted.

Do you do these images as a psychological release, or to inflict pain on your political enemies?
If we’re lucky, we find ways of dealing with stress, gaslighting, and oppositional views, whether public or private. Yes, I do them for myself. It’s a way of countering the powerlessness I feel these days. But I am not a political powerbroker. The success of my work as a critic is getting it out into the public sphere where people can react to it and even use it (this is why I offer all my digital images as free downloads). That’s always hard. So thank you for taking an interest in them.

I would love for the people depicted in these images to see and react to them. But I hold no illusions. They won’t inflict any pain on people so self-absorbed. If anything, they feed on criticism, often using it to raise funds. I’d love for my work to become visual op-eds. That’s what they really are. We treat political cartoons that way. But, so far, I haven’t been able to convince any media outlet to see these images as such.

In other words, what good is polemical, satiric, and acerbic art, anyway?
Ah, the big question: What’s art good for? I could write a book. Art that comments on social, cultural and political events has a long history. Hieronymus Bosch, Francisco Goya, Honoré Daumier, Pablo Picasso, Romare Bearden, Jacob Lawrence and William H. Johnson, to more contemporary artists like Ai Weiwei, Banksy, Nan Goldin and Kara Walker, to name just a few. All have documented their times in their work. As we refine our history to include previously obscure events or marginalized people and their experiences, art has a way of creating and enhancing these expanded worldviews.

This is what’s at stake in our present cultural and political debate. Social psychologist Jonathan Haidt tells us we generalize conservatives and liberals in specific ways. Conservatives feel more at ease with tradition, what they’re familiar with, and what is safe and dependable. In contrast, liberals are more open to new experiences and ideas, novelty and diversity. Politically, this translates into the idea that “closed” individuals are more conservative, while “open” individuals are more liberal. But it isn’t that clear-cut. There’s a difference between “left” and “liberal” and between “right” and “conservative.”

Many see my work as part of the left critique. But I find some things very illiberal about the left. This isn’t an issue of “bothsidesism.” The GOP is much more destructive. It keeps churning out cultural wedge issues, such as teaching critical race theory or the mere mention of LGBTQ+ in our K-12 schools. And they ban important books that tell a more realistic history of the American experience. Republicans’ propaganda—that the Democrats are making race personal, making Whites feel responsible for our past racism—is a canard. What Democrats are saying is that racism is systematic: Our present reflects our past. And that past is not an illusion.

You’ve focused on the Republicans in Congress. It may seem obvious, but can you explain your political position?
I’ve described my position as not being on the political spectrum but outside it, observing and commenting on it. I consider myself a humanist and value and learn from the wide breadth of others’ stories. My work is really about commenting on the ridged mindset of the Republican Party. I can work with conservatives who value order and tradition. But I can’t accept Republicans who live their lives in constant opposition. Race replacement theory is manipulative and attempts to lock history into a narrow paradigm.

And there’s money to be made in this type of rhetoric. As I mentioned, politicians use oppositional politics to raise funds. But media outlets also use them to bring in added revenue and viewers. As we know now, Facebook and other social media outlets encourage our anger. The more clicks, the more revenue. None of this is good for the country or the human spirit, just for the powers that be. Visual commentary reflects and comments on these destructive currents in our culture. And, like the work of John Heartfield, George Grosz and others, art that questions the status quo becomes part of the documentation of these times. I reject our status quo, and my art reflects this.

To quote the sixth-century Buddhist Sent-ts’an, “If you want the truth to stand clear before you, never be for or against. The struggle between ‘for’ and ‘against’ is the mind’s worst disease.” Whether visual or written, art attempts to keep our history elastic. We can fill it with as much lived experience as we want.

On a hopeful note, however, schoolchildren were vaccinated with a mighty dose of tolerance on May 17 when the Tolerance show, organized by Mirko Ilic and now in its fourth year of touring the world, took place at The Kunstbiblitohek (Art Library) of the National Museums in Berlin. Sixty-five posters from 36 countries were selected for STUDIO TOLERANCE at Kulturforum.

Additionally, a STUDIO program offers workshops especially aimed at young people and schoolchildren—our great last hope. The program was developed by the Department of Education, Outreach and Visitor Services at the Berlin National Museums, in cooperation with KIgA e.V., the Kreuzberg Initiative against Antisemitism, curated by Dr. Christina Thomson and Christina Dembny of the Berlin National Museums’ collection of graphic design (Kunstbibliothek, Staatliche Museen zu Berlin).

There have been 133 Tolerance exhibitions in 30 countries throughout the world since 2017.

Recently, Connecticut-based artist Pamela Sztybel has been moved to publish a drawing a day on Instagram. She did a similar project during the first surge of COVID, too. This time, however, the drawings are raising money for World Central Kitchen through social media donations.

Sztybel’s grandmother was born in Kyiv and escaped to Poland during the Russian Revolution. Then, in September 1939, as the Nazis invaded Poland, her grandparents and her father had to escape again. “My grandfather was Jewish,” she says. “Also, my mother was born and raised in Finland—currently being threatened, as you know. I still have family in Finland. So aside from having global repercussions, this war is very personal.”

Sztybel is also working on a book trying to combine the drawings with memoir about her family’s refugee experience. Of her obsessively detailed visual narratives, she notes, “All my reference material comes from existing news stories but I frequently change things. I will add elements that aren’t taken from one specific photo.” Her drawings are caricatures, which allows a more unique viewpoint from the heartbreaking photos we see on a daily basis. “They aren’t meant to look like photographs,” but they are meant to trigger even more intimate responses.

Today Democracy could easily be thwarted by right wing extremism, as seen rising (and risen) in Poland and Hungary, with rumblings throughout Eastern Europe. At a commemoration of the fall of the Berlin Wall, then–German Chancellor Angela Merkel cautioned against complacency. “The values on which Europe is founded—freedom, democracy, equality, rule of law, human rights—they are anything but self-evident,” she said, “and they have to be revitalized and defended time and time again.”

With Russia in a life-and-death invasion of and war with Ukraine, countries that had once been proscribed freedom, imprisoned behind the Iron Curtain, are now trying to bolster themselves as the bulwark of Putin’s retro-agression.

Published in 2019, but only now reaching my desk because of COVID delays, Posters of the Velvet Revolution: The Story of the Posters of November and December 1989 by Filip Blazek is a reminder that a coalition of artists and designers in concert—in a civil forum—can mean the difference between defeat and victory. Long live The Velvet Revolution.

Last week—the week when Ketanji Brown Jackson was confirmed as the first Black woman and first former public defender to become an Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court—I was heartened by the posters CSPG selected to commemorate the milestone.

In 1968, the same year that Richard Nixon was elected president, Shirley Chisholm (1924–2005) became the first Black woman elected to Congress; she represented New York’s 12th Congressional District for seven terms (1969–1983). She was a firebrand with a soft healing voice. In 1972, she became the first major-party Black candidate for president of the United States and the first woman to run for the Democratic presidential nomination. She broke many barriers in the slow slog toward equal representation—the same congressional representation that is challenged by today’s political climate.

This campaign poster represents a hero. Rendered in the posterized/Kodalith high contrast style of the 1960s, it reminds me of Shepard Fairey’s iconic image of another first: President Barack Obama and the “HOPE” poster.

Printmaker and social activist Wendell Collins (1918–2016) designed “UNBOUGHT AND UNBOSSED,” a startling image and slogan that helped galvanize the public.

CSPG notes: “Collins learned screenprinting in the military, and after his discharge moved to Kansas. He was arrested in 1947 for refusing to move to the Negro section of the segregated movie theater in Junction City, KS. He moved to Los Angeles in 1948 and worked as a political cartoonist for the progressive Black-owned newspaper the California Eagle. In the mid-1960s he was an officer in the Los Angeles chapter of the Congress of Racial Equality, commonly known as CORE. In 2002, CSPG honored him with the ‘Art is a Hammer’ award.”

To subscribe and support the Center for the Study of Political Graphics, go here.

Below, Jeff Scher animates the how epicurian flies devour their favorite food …

Cedomir Kostovic, who last appeared on The Daily Heller with his homage to 100 years of Federico Fellini, offers two posters …

Adrian Wilson suggests a barrier, for whatever good it will do …

And finally, Stasys Eidrigevicius fills out tody’s critical commentaries with a startling indictment on the chamber of horrors in Ukraine—and not for the first time, either.

In any event, in the process of doing research for the book, I did not imagine that I would be scared to death by bubble gum cards. However, in 1951 (when I was a year old) the Bowman Gum Company of Philadelphia, known largely for its coveted and tradable baseball card sets that came with a piece of bubble gum, produced a terrifying series of Red Menace cards (subtitled “Children’s Crusade Against Communism”).

Kids went from trading sluggers for promising rookies to MIG jets providing cover for Soviet T-54 and T-55 tanks; from star first basemen to the first American city set ablaze by a nuclear bomb.

Since Putin started his war to bring Ukraine back into Russia, these cards, which I remember having currency well into the 1950s—when anxiety was a way of life (and death)—take on renewed relevance on steroids.

Recently, cartoonist Rick Meyerowitz sent me these three from his once-complete set as a reminder that we’ve been on raging battlegrounds before. Looking at the ultra-horrific imagery employed to instill fear and loathing, we’ve come a long way in the sensationalist propaganda of war to reporting its harsh reality.

The 1951 complete Red Menace set included 48 cards, each designed to exploit the anti-Communist passions that underscored America during the decade of my childhood. Released shortly after the start of the Korean War (No. 1 marks the invasion of South Korea by the North), the images showcase major events of the early Cold War (and it various proxy hot wars) with China and the Soviet Union. Of special vicarious interest is the chilling aftermath of a nuclear war (below). The specter remains.

Years after they were produced, I recall finding the gutted scene of 23rd Street at Broadway and Fifth Avenue, not too far from where I lived. The location, which I walk by everyday still, conjures up this kind of image (notably during the pandemic).

I don’t recall this one, titled “Fighting a nuclear fire,” but all the Red Menace cards reinforced the national call for vigilance, suspicion and fear that was the hallmark of the Red Scare.

“The set’s intent was not as much to serve as a history lesson than to convey the fears harbored by a generation of Americans against the former Soviet Union,” notes the website of the PSA card collectors service.

Pócs graduated as a goldsmith from the Secondary School of Arts in Pécs in 1971 and has been a poster designer ever since—a lifelong member of the Hungarian Poster Loneliness Association. At the age of 60, he earned a design degree at the University of West Hungary (Nyugat-Magyarországi Egyetem). After The Daily Heller began publishing posters about the war in Ukraine, Pócs sent me a batch of his own. Instantly, I had to ask him about Hungary’s position and his own emotional response to being a designer in this return to European war. (Q&A translated by Réka Szabó.)

Troubles with Russia (e.g., the Soviet Union) are not new to your country. Will you talk a bit about this?
Every year on March 15, we commemorate the events of the heroic 1848 Hungarian Revolution and Freedom Fight. We mustn’t forget that only with the help of the Russian tsar and his troops were the Habsburgs able to suppress it. 

In 1945, the mother of my ex-wife, then 17-year-old Maria, along with other girls of similar age, was forcibly taken to the Soviet Union to spend five years in a labor camp (malenkiy robot, as the Russians called it). Only one out of 10 returned. The postcard she managed to smuggle home shows rows of rail thin, bedraggled girls wearing the ubiquitous Russian quilted jacket, and a Cyrillic inscription above their heads: “FORGET ME NOT!”

The 1956 Revolution and Freedom Fight, along with many other events, paved the road that made the fall of the Berlin Wall possible. My poster titled 56.10.23/1989, featuring the trapped red star (“the leaking Aurora”), symbolizes the final agony of the Communist ideology, the agony that foreshadowed and marked the way for the political changes of 1989. Then, in 1989 the last of the Russian troops left Hungary, the domino effect reached the whole of Central Europe and culminated in the collapse of the Soviet Union itself. As a result of these events, political and social movements gained a new, added importance and more and more political posters appeared in my work alongside the cultural ones. 

When Soviet rolled tanks into Budapest in ’56, it was similar to the invasion of Ukraine and must have extra special resonance for you.
During World War II Hungary was allied with the losing side. It was on the giving and receiving end of unspeakable human tragedies. After the war the country became part of the Russian occupation zone. My first defining childhood memory: the suppression and bloody retaliation of the 1956 Hungarian Revolution and Freedom Fight. I was 6 years old. History lurked under our windows, where I secretly watched the progress of Russian tanks brandishing their cannon towers. I can still hear the deafening sound of their caterpillar tracks crunching up the cobblestones, and the crystalware shuddering in the cabinets as they rattled by. I can still see the dead bodies of Hungarians lined up along the sidewalks. There was not a single Hungarian family unaffected by the horrors of the war, the Holocaust or the bloody repercussions of the 1956 uprising.

Hungarian Prime Minister Viktor Orban is not Putin, but strongmen nonetheless have certain behavior in common. Is Hungary firmly supporting Ukraine’s struggles?
In 2010, Viktor Orban—with the help of his party, FIDESZ—returned to power as prime minister for the second time. He declared a new policy, the policy of Eastern orientation. He strived to strengthen his ties with the countries encompassed within while generating more and more conflicts with the EU and the traditional West. This policy is still in force today. Turning his back on his younger self, he advocated and created the so-called illiberal state, which is a more sophisticated, tamped-down version of Putin’s model. He divided the country into “patriots,” i.e., right-wing illiberals, and “traitors,” i.e., leftist liberals. He has gradually changed, and in the end dismantled the democratic institutions of the state. In his economic policies he has increasingly rubbed up to the Russians and China.  

In some of your posters you equate the USSR with Putin. Do you feel that Soviet-style aggression is simply a fact of life today?
The great majority of Hungarians, myself included, wish for peace and friendship, maintaining a sufficient distance, safety and independence in all respects. The only guarantors that can provide all of the above is NATO and the EU, and these we are a member of. I call myself a liberal conservative who thinks pragmatically. 

Orban’s populism, our dependence on Russian energy and other economic ties “do not allow” for the Hungarian government’s open stance for Ukraine’s freedom struggle as would be otherwise duly expected. To this day, Orban performs a tight-rope dance between his outwardly communicated, seemingly European-friendly actions and his pro-Russian domestic rhetoric. Every step he takes is guided by one goal only: to hang onto his power, as national elections will be held on April 3. 

Have you experienced any forms of censorship?
My posters are a “lone figure’s” futile fight for truth, honesty, decency, love and morale in our world. In the times prior to 1989, I had posters that were censored, that were shredded or not allowed to go to print at all. Still, I had a lot of work. After the political changes, none of my posters have been censored, but no work has been commissioned of me in Hungary for the past 30 years, either.

There is no censorship, but no work. I design my posters first and foremost for myself, but also for the Hungarian and international public who show an interest in my work. 

Posters can have some mnemonic power, trigger certain feelings, etc. But what is the goal of your work? Who are you trying to reach?
This kind of intellectual (risk-taking) way of thinking, direct reflection, protestation, open support, concise, emblematic messaging, the prophecies, unfortunately or fortunately withstand the test of time. I consciously follow my instincts. It has been my credo from the very beginning: The poster artist is the conscience of a given time, who provides visual answers to verbal questions. Posters begin where words end. Gutenberg’s Galaxy, the posters that used to dress the streets, might be on their way out, but the poster as a means of conveying thought, as a form of expression, has not disappeared, only moved to another platform where it thrives. Digitalization, the internet, social media, make imminent and far-reaching reflection possible. As a result of this—despite the unbelievable sea of disinformation—we are able to gain information quickly and react to it instantly. 

How do you feel about this war and its long-term implications?
The first reflection of Putin’s frustrated war, of the Russian aggression: the drive of the great Russian empire. This for me, a Hungarian, is especially jarring and painful. It tears open old wounds, awakens slumbering memories, fills you with dread and shivering. Every inch of my body protests against the shelling of Ukraine, against the killing of Ukrainians, against the blatant disregard of life, against this whole, unfair war that is being fought and lost under false pretenses. We need to say it out loud: Putin is a war criminal. With the events unfolding in Ukraine, a new world order has started to take shape. We have to rethink and start everything from the beginning. 

Igor Karash—originally from Baku, Azerbaijan—is an illustrator based in St. Louis, MO. Lucky he is. While Azerbaijan was a Soviet republic, today it is a sovereign nation. Although his 9–5 illustration work encompasses picture books, classic literature, novels, and concept art for theater and film, Karash, like many of us, has long been a critic of Vladimir Putin. The work presented here is Karash’s personal visual commentary on Putin’s transition from a “strong man/soft dictator” into a Hitler-like figure.

VoteEqualityUS is a grassroots project from the 501(c)(3) Center for Common Ground promoting equal rights for all Americans. VoteEquality’s vision is to ensure that the fully ratified 28th Amendment (Equal Rights) is enshrined in the U.S. Constitution.

The full collection of artwork will make its debut at the launch event on March 19 in Oakland, CA, at Oakstop’s Broadway Gallery. From there, the collection will tour the country at events organized by VoteEquality, partner organizations and artists advocating for gender equality. 

Artist and printmaker Chuck Sperry recently released 250 of his ERA-inspired prints to his followers, and he has reserved an additional 50 prints to be sold at the kick-off event in Oakland alongside the other works in the touring collection. 

Sperry’s silkscreen poster, showcased here, was printed at his Hangar 18 print studio in West Oakland. The studio is an industrial, high-ceilinged, 5000-square-foot space with a street-level loading dock.

I’ve long admired Sperry’s work, so the release of this poster in support of the ERA’s overdue ratification gave me an opportunity to discuss his art and activism.

First, tell me about the work you do at Hanger 18.
I’ve been a screenprinter since 1994. I’ve owned my own printing business and press, and have created concert posters, art prints and political posters for nearly 30 years. I mostly, if not always, print my own work. In other words, I do not do production printing. I have printed the work of fellow artists out of admiration and friendship. But in the main, I print my own work. By printing, I mean I physically print. Often people say “I printed,” but they mean, “paid someone else to print.”

You are best known for your concert posters.
I art directed a series of concert posters from 2008–2014 for Goldenvoice in San Francisco for two renowned San Francisco venues: The Warfield and The Regency Ballroom. (The Warfield was called “the crown jewel” by Bill Graham, and The Regency was formerly The Avalon, home of Chet Helm’s Family Dog concert series in the 1960s.) I’ve [also] worked for AEG, Live Nation, Virgin, Random House, Harvard University Press, Conde Nast and more. Hard not to be proud. More importantly: The work must speak for itself, as well as its client or social referent. With each client, either out of luck or design, I’ve had almost complete freedom to communicate as I like. I’m trusted. But I also bring an audience, and have a brand, though I avoid the notion as applied to my work. Luckily or by constant work, after 40 years of creating, my audience can “smell” my progressivism in my design work without my making overt statements or messaging. It’s baked in.

And you’ve produced books, too?
I have self-published three art books under the Hangar 18 moniker: Color x Color: The Sperry Poster Archive 1980–2020; Helikon: The Muses of Chuck Sperry; and Chthoneon, The Art of Chuck Sperry. My poster book Color x Color is in its third printing.

Have you always committed your work to political and social concerns?
I have always used my art to communicate progressive positions of conscience. I’m in a unique position as a concert poster artist and art printmaker with popular appeal. I’ve built up an extremely strong following through my print art over a few decades of work, so I can bring that fanatic energy to contribute to causes, thankfully.

I look across any of a year’s work and there’s a rhythm of overt political messaging in a counterpoint to playful, attractive design. I like to play cat and mouse with the audience. I like to imagine that the element of surprise helps my audience to feel free to follow my suggestions. There’s no hard sell. I embrace both the beautiful and the direct appeal. I create a lot, and always in front of an audience, so at times I entertain, and at other times I appeal to conscience or action. It leaves my audience free to choose.

My concert poster designs used to financially carry my printing business, but since 2010, I can support my studio through art prints as well. I have the audience who can carry me to a gallery, a museum, or Miami Art Week, or Art On Paper. That lends me the freedom to speak my mind. I have always had the freedom, of course, just to pick up a pen, but there are realities like rent and supplies. An audience helps me keep the doors open while I help causes. I’m forever grateful to my supporters.

Right now, as you noted, I’m working with Artists 4 ERA, a branch of Vote Equality, to raise money to support a national campaign to raise the awareness for the Equal Rights Amendment which still needs to be officially ratified by Congress and added to the Constitution.

Recently, I created Women’s March posters in 2017, 2018 and 2019, and March for Science Posters in 2017. All the posters were passed out for free at the marches. Then they have a second life: I merchandise the Women’s March posters through The Outrage activist hub in Washington, D.C., and 100% of sales have gone straight to the Women’s March and Planned Parenthood, directly benefiting causes. 

I started as a political cartoonist at the student newspaper while studying journalism at the University of Missouri in 1980. I worked on World War 3 Illustrated when I moved to New York City in 1985. World War 3 Illustrated is America’s longest running political comic book. I’m still in contact and involved with my artist friends at WW3. In New York I was doing spot illustrations for The Progressive, In These Times, Screw, and I even did some illustrations for The Yipster Times. My political design and illustration work goes way back, and I still take progressive positions of conscience to this day.

How did you get involved in Artists 4 ERA and what role do you play?
I was contacted by Dabney Lawless of Artists 4 ERA in February of 2021. I believe I was one of the first artists contacted, and I was asked for any suggestions for additional artists to contact. I immediately shot an email to Shepard Fairey, and he responded in under five minutes. In short order, I invited Tara McPherson and Tracie Ching. All three are incredible artists with wide appeal. In 24 hours we were sort of off and running with Artists 4 ERA. The organizers are wonderful, and sent me an enormous bouquet in gratitude, which eclipsed my kitchen table in my Edwardian style apartment near Haight Street. 

I enlisted the support of The Outrage, the Washington, D.C., activist store, activist hub and meeting room, to distribute our ERA posters to its extensive audience and through its store, online and in social media to help amplify our messaging. 

I’m sure that all the artists involved with Artists 4 ERA did the same sort of work, spreading the word and networking for the cause. Everyone involved is passionate about passing the ERA. We’ll be gathering when we have our first opening at Oakstop in Oakland on March 19. I’m looking forward to joining all the artists and the supporters committed to the campaign to pass ERA. After the first event, the art show will start traveling. First stop: Los Angeles.

Your poster for the ERA is strikingly beautiful. What is the symbolism?
I created my ERA poster to intentionally refer to an earlier art print I made in 2019, called “Clio,” the muse of history, daughter of memory. With my design, I would like to suggest we remember where we came from, how we got here, who we are and where we are going. History is not only a collection of objective facts; history is also a story. How we organize those objective facts says a lot about who we are, or who we want to be.

Am I right in assuming you’re also paying homage to Gustav Klimt as well as Art Nouveau with Clio? What are your influences?
You’re correct. I reference a lot of poster history in my contemporary art prints and concert posters. I’m influenced by Alphonse Mucha and Gustav Klimt, by their figurative art, use of metallic pigments and subject matter. I am also influenced by William Morris and Walter Crane, as much for their ideas as their style. Morris’ commitment to accessible and affordable art, with his motto “Art For All,” finds a deep resonance with me.

My mother was an advertising executive for Federated Department Stores in the late 1960s, through the 1970s. She had worked her way up through the design department. My first reckoning with the women’s movement was in hearing about her struggles in the male-dominated world of advertising of the ’60s and ’70s.

Mom brought home Graphis and Print magazines from work, which I poured through as a kid. That graphic environment has worked its way into my art until today. I hope the freshness, elegance and simplicity of that influence comes through. In short, my childhood was immersed in the Push Pin School. When it’s said of my work that it shares equally of art nouveau and ’60s and ’70s psychedelia, I believe it’s the rock posters of Victor Moscoso, Wes Wilson, Stanley Mouse, Rick Griffin, as well as Milton Glaser and Peter Max’s influence, which was in the air I breathed as a child.

How are these—yours and the other 27 artists’—posters going to help push the passage of the ERA?
Vote Equality is going to move their campaign onto the road this spring, summer and fall with a fleet of vehicles: a campaign bus, a box van, and two runner vans. We 27 artists are supplying designs for posters that will be printed in offset to be passed out, held up, posted and spread out in legislative meetings and rallies organized across America. 

Do you believe that posters have the strength to move people off their butts and take action?
I have been known to get people off their butts with a poster. Haha. (My concert poster fans who line up early—sometimes a day early—for shows to get a poster are with me here.)

In all seriousness, I do believe that. I’ve participated in quite a few movements over the years and posters still have a motivating impact. In 2011 I passed out about 1000+ posters emblazoned with “This Is Our City And We Can Shut It Down” and joined the march that moved from downtown Oakland to the Port of Oakland—no small distance—and closed the port. If the poster wasn’t the prime motivation, then at least it supported, sustained and buoyed the spirit of the action. Marchers love to show a message, hold up a poster.  

All 27 artists participating in this movement are doing just the same. Supporting action and motivating it with art.

This is not the only poster you’ve done for equal rights. Do you feel that you’ve made inroads?
I like to hope so. Each generation is getting a little bit better at it getting along. There’s a concomitant reactionary backlash. The progressives represent the future, and the reactionaries represent a return to the past. The country, the world, is clearly in a struggle to move into the future and toward equality and universal human rights.

Additionally, my concert poster work intersects with a mainstream audience, and bringing progressive ideas into that space has an opportunity to speak to a lot of people. By degrees these messages accumulate. 

These posters will be for sale. What is the money going to be used for?
50% of my proceeds from the sale of the poster will go directly to Vote Equality.

The money raised by all the artists will be spent organizing rallies across the country, supporting staff so they can pressure legislative sessions in Congress to ratify the ERA until it passes, traveling from town to town in one nightliner bus, a box van, and two runner vans meeting and rallying with state legislators and ERA supporters nationwide.

The box van has been dubbed the “Notorious RVG” in homage to Ruth Bader Ginsberg. 

Also, the money raised will be used to produce offset versions of all 27 artists’ pieces. The offset prints will be available through ERA rallies, and also be available online through The Outrage. 100% of proceeds from their sale will go to Vote Equality.

Vote Equality’s dedicated in-house press has been turning out pocket-sized “corrected” Constitutions for months now, and distributing them to Congress, state legislatures, and to the public by the thousands. The corrected Constitution has the 28th Amendment already in it and says: “Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or by any state on account of sex.”

In today’s political circus, do you think ERA stands a chance?
I do think the ERA stands a chance of passing, even in this political climate. Other amendments to the Constitution have passed with a lower bar. In 2020 Virginia became the 38th and final state needed to ratify the ERA thanks to the determination of Kati Hornung, founder of Vote Equality. We just need Congress to adopt the measure. Vote Equality will apply the pressure.

The idea is to get this in front of people, in poster form, in the news, online, in public, at rallies, all the time and everywhere. Especially now, democracy is being put to a test. Passing the ERA and bringing Constitutional gender equality to American democracy would speak volumes about the greatness of our system of government.